Zionist Israel as Levittown Nation

Jews: For, Against Civil Rights

On April 13, Forward reporter Joanne Jacobson reviewed Levittown: Two Families, One Tycoon, and the Fight for Civil Rights in America’s Legendary Suburb by David Kushner in Jew vs. Jew in Levittown.

Two paragraphs in the article seem to have relevance to the Israel Palestine conflict.

William Levitt’s assertion of control over every aspect of the visual landscape — Levitt & Sons would, for example, arrange (and bill) for the trimming of any lawn whose care did not meet company standards — evidences how closely the hope and order fleshed out in Levittown were matched in Cold War America by fear and suspicion. But because Kushner does not make enough analytical sense of the stories that he intertwines, the legacy of the summer of racial tension in the Pennsylvania Levittown still feels incompletely written. Kushner cites Levitt’s assertion that “Negroes were trying to do in six years what the Jews had not been able to completely do in six thousand… if I sold to Negroes, ninety percent of the white people now buying homes would not buy.” And he emphasizes how Levitt insinuated that his critics were Communists and how Levitt even courted Joseph McCarthy’s legislative support for favorable mortgage financing by giving McCarthy a personal tour of the Long Island Levittown. Yet, Kushner does not sharply examine the linkages between McCarthy and Levitt or directly consider how the race war at the Pennsylvania Levittown reiterated the American unreadiness to live with difference that McCarthyism fed on. And Kushner’s description of the Levitts as “icons of optimism, titans on par with Walt Disney and Henry Ford,” stops curiously short of linking William Levitt to Disney’s anti-Communism and Ford’s racism.

In facing off the Jewish developer Levitt and the Jewish activists the Wechslers on fresh suburban ground, Kushner also leaves hanging another set of provocative issues. Was Levitt’s invocation of Jewish experience in defense of his whites-only policies simply a hypocritical cover for his own unrepentant racism, or a version of the self-erasure that had led him to bar Jews from Strathmore, his first pre-Levittown development on Long Island? And how many layers of resentment were packed into such epithets as “nigger-loving Jewish motherf——-s” that their Levittown neighbors spat into the Wechslers’ phone?

Jacobson should also have asked whether Levitt's policy of keeping Strathmore a white Christian community and making the Levittown developments whites-only represents the same racist Jewish thinking that is the basis of the Zionist goal of creating a Judenstaat, which means either a state where Jews are privileged or a state where only Jews can be citizens.

In my document Judonia Rising: The Israel Lobby and American Society, I address some other situations where Jewish involvement in the civil rights movement connects to Zionism.

Here are the excerpts.

The Basic [Israel Lobby] Projects

...

Manipulating African Americans — usually via civil rights organizing and creating Jewishly correct African American leaders like Gloria White-Hammond. (See African Americans, Jews, and Islamophobia.[76]) [Originally civil rights was a project of Jewish radicalism although Jabotinskians used support for civil rights as the means to district from their racism against Palestinians. (See Militant Zionism in American: The Rise and Impact of the Jabotinsky Movement in the United States, 1926-1948[77] by Rafael Medoff.) Terror in the Night: The Klan's Campaign Against the Jews,[78] by Jack Nelson suggests that the organized Jewish community opportunistically used Jewish radicals to create conditions to scare up money from wealthy Jews and to manipulate the US government and law enforcement to do its bidding and eventually possibly to commit extra-judicial murder in response to a 1966 synagogue bombing. The skill set that the organized Jewish community developed in such efforts later proved extremely helpful in shutting down Arab and Muslim charities and think tanks.]

Defending Judonia (the Zionist Virtual Colonial Motherland) Outside the Legal System

Because working strictly via the legal system is in general too limited for the needs of empire, Judonia also uses forms of grass roots mobilization and conspiratorial politics.
...

Jack Nelson proposes in Terror in the Night: The Klan's Campaign Against the Jews[283] that a conspiracy between the leaders of the Meridian Mississippi Jewish community and representatives of ADL to manipulate the FBI in committing extra-judicial murder. He writes on p. 264:

Maria Knowles, the secretary who typed up Scarbrough’s reports of meeting with the informants and worried that she had participated in a murder plot, lives in Meridian, where she serves as secretary of the Seventh-Day Adventist church and as a teachers’ assistant at the church’s school.

He adds on p. 265:

Jim Ingram retired from the FBI at age fifty in 1982 and succeeded Moore at the Deposit Guaranty National Bank. He lives in Jackson. In 1992 he was appointed Mississippi’s commissioner of public safety, the State’s top law enforcement post.

Ingram disagrees with his close friend Moore about what happened at Meridian. “It was an ambush, that’s what they meant to do,” Ingram told me. “No question about that. They meant to kill them out there that night.”

The techniques that the ADL learned in manipulating the US government into violating the law may have later proved useful in manipulating US government officials into facilitating conspiracy against the rights of Arab and Muslim Americans.

Agents of Judonia within the US government almost certainly have aided this ongoing project.

Jewish Philanthropic Politics in the USA

Philanthropic politics has also been successful for manipulating non-Jewish politicians and groups especially when it has been applied to non-Jewish groups like African Americans.

In this particular case, the interplay between Jewish radicalism, the organized Jewish community and extremist Jabotinskian politics on issues of civil rights for African Americans has been complex but has nevertheless prevented the development of significant pro-Palestinian activism within the American black community and has even provided a means to involve African American community leaders in ongoing effort of Jewish Neoconservative Jabotinskians to incinerate the Sudan in an act of anti-genocide philanthropy.

[See 5th Question: Darfur,[224] Israel-Incited "Genocide" in Darfur?,[225] Followup: Israel-Incited "Genocide" in Darfur?,[226] USHMM: National Thought Control,[227] Martin Luther King, Jr. Day Service -- Today,[228] Profiteering from humanitarianism,[229] and African Americans, Jews, and Islamophobia.[230]]

German American Jews

The second stratum of Jewish immigration to the USA consisted mostly of German Jews with smaller Austrian and Swiss Jewish components. Like Spanish Jews the members of the second Jewish immigrant cohort were generally affiliated with family and business networks. They often benefited from the existence of Jewish communal institutions founded by Spanish American Jews.

German Jews generally entered the USA with some capital, which looked huge in contrast to the resources that contemporary Irish immigrants brought along to the USA on fleeing the Potato Famines.

German Jewish immigrants often possessed expertise in peddling, commodity trading, wholesaling, retailing, and estate management. Such skills were directly applicable to the economy of the Old South, and several German American Jewish families used profits from trading in the southern USA to found important investment banks that continue to do business to this day.

Once they achieved riches and became “Our Crowd” – especially in New York idiomatic usage, wealthy German American Jews tended unlike moneyed Spanish American Jews to prefer to work behind the scenes and had a tendency to throw money at problems.

“Our Crowd” set up numerous Jewish communal organizations like B’nai B’rith, which is the world’s oldest continuously operated Jewish community service and welfare organization. While the founding of B’nai B’rith was an important example of German American (and Spanish American) Jewish altruism, the founders hoped that better social services for impoverished Jews would make the Jewish poor less of a threat to the status of elite Jews.

At a later period “Our Crowd” founded the initially anti-Zionist American Jewish Committee to struggle to improved conditions for ethnic Ashkenazim in Eastern Europe partially out of fear that Eastern European Jewish immigrants to the USA might threaten the status of German American Jews. (Nowadays, both B’nai B’rith and the AJCommittee are very vocally Zionist. In 2002 B’nai B’rith worked with AIPAC to create the B’nai B’rith Youth Organization 4 Israel.)

In addition to organizations specifically for Jews, the dominant universalistic and humanitarian ethos of “Our Crowd” required the establishment of institutions to benefit the larger society. Brandeis Professor Jonathan Sarna[lii] writes on p. 308 of American Judaism: A History:[326]

Jewish patricians loomed large in the financial, legal, political, and administrative work of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the National Urban league.

Such charity is part of Judonian foreign aid, and just as the USA expects a return at least in the form of good will, Jewish donors to African American causes expect American Black leaders to forego criticism of Zionism and the State of Israel.

When the NAACP was first founded, wealthy American Jews might have hoped that mainstreaming African Americans could provide a sort of elevator effect to move the Jewish elite upward in American society as a whole.[liii]

Whether opportunistic or sincere, the universalistic humanitarian politics of “Our Crowd” played very well in the American press and especially in those papers owned or run by German American Jews, who immigrated to the USA with expertise in the heavily Jewish German publishing and newspaper industries.

As publishers of the New York Times, the German American Jewish Sulzberger family has tried to position the paper as the national journal of record while

• publicizing the good works of “Our Crowd”,
• covering up the ethnic Ashkenazi background of a disproportionate number Soviet leaders during the twenties and thirties and the role they may have played in the Holodomor,[327] and
• burying in the back pages any Holocaust news reports that made any mention of Jews as an ethnic group. (See Anti-War: 1960s versus 2000s.[328])

Nowadays, the Times has apparently given up any pretense to objective and honest reporting.

It puts MEMRI[329] propaganda on the front page. (See NY Times Panders Jewish Prejudice.[330])

[See also What Sanabel said.[331]]

Not only does the paper give an op-ed column to Thomas Friedman, who was a major player in the Neocon effort to manipulate the USA into attacking Iraq, but it has hired William Kristol as a columnist. (See Conservative William Kristol becomes NY Times columnist Politics Reuters.[332])

Edward Rothstein, who often serves as a Jewish Zionist media gatekeeper at the New York Times, used the publication of Breaking the Spell: Religion as a Natural Phenomenon by Daniel C. Dennett as an excuse to equate Muslims protesting vicious anti-Islamic xenophobia with ants whose brains have been eaten by parasites. His February 20, 2006 article is entitled "History Illuminates the Rage of Muslims." (See History Illuminates the Rage of Muslims[333]).

At this point, the NY Times plays a major propaganda role as Judonian journal of record.

Note

[liii] I have questions about the behavior of the NAACP during the early period of Jewish “guidance.” The recent release of Slavery by Another Name: The Re-Enslavement of Black Americans from the Civil War to World War II by Douglas Blackmon opens up the question of the NAACP’s behavior during this time period. The effective reenslavement of African Americans after reconstruction was not really secret. There was even a popular saying to the effect that Lincoln freed the slaves and his son Robert Todd Lincoln as General Counsel and then as President of the Pullman Palace Car Company put them back in bondage. Many important Jewish philanthropists involved with fighting racism against Africans had interests in companies profiting from African American forced labor in the South.

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