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Monday, May 19, 2008

Dr.Naseer Ahmad: Toronto 18

Click here to read about the "War on Terror" in Canada.

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الفلسطينيون عام: 1948 و 2008

The Palestinian Era versus the Jewish Century

When relatively well off but rapacious racist Eastern Europeans made the decision to steal Palestine from the relatively impoverished native population, the two main economic sectors among Palestinians were agriculture and tourism.

Only sick demented people could possibly be proud of plundering and ethnically cleansing poor farmers, innkeepers, and small tourist shop owners.

The cartoon above depicts the true and total achievement of Zionism.

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Sunday, May 18, 2008

Massad, Nakba, Mankubin, Holoexaleipsis, Heroism

Israel: Keystone of Neo-Imperialist Neo-Colonialism
by Joachim Martillo (ThorsProvoni@aol.com)

Columbia Professor Joseph Massad writes in Resisting the Nakba :
But in resisting the Nakba, the Palestinians have struck at the heart of the Zionist project that insists that the Nakba be seen as a past event. In resisting Israel, Palestinians have forced the world to witness the Nakba as present action; one that, contrary to Zionist wisdom, is indeed reversible. This is precisely what galls Israel and the Zionist movement. Israel's inability to complete its mission of thoroughly colonising Palestine, of expelling all Palestinians, of "gathering" all Jews in the world in its colony, keeps it uneasy and keeps its project always in the present continuous.
My article Holoexaleipsis, Holocaust, Holosphage and Holodomor also addresses the incompleteness of the Nakba:
We in America really do have to rethink and revise our understanding of the Holocaust, and if we need to identify an archetypal genocide to use as the measure of all other modern genocides, the Holoexaleipsis, which is the Great Erasure that includes the Palestinian Nakba or Catastrophe, provides the best model. It was planned in cold-blood by racist Eastern Europeans during the late 19th century, the first major mass murders and ethnic cleansing took place during 1947-8, and it continues to this day right before our eyes. The Holoexaleipsis includes wholesale demonization of Arabs and Muslims along with the erasure of whole fields of scholarship (including Jewish as well as Arabic and Islamic studies) so that they can be rewritten to justify Zionist and American depredations on the peoples of the Middle East.
While proper definitions are important, carefully reading Massad's article is important because he elucidates the key difference between the Zionist and the Palestinian ontology of the Nakba.

Resisting the Nakba

The viciousness of Israel is testament to its knowing that Palestinians will always remain steadfast and defeat its past and present attempts to erase them, writes Joseph Massad*


One of the most difficult things to grasp in the modern history of Palestine and the Palestinians is the meaning of the Nakba. Is the Nakba to be seen as a discrete event that took place and ended in 1948, or is it something else? What are the political stakes in reifying the Nakba as a past event, in commemorating it annually, in bowing before its awesome symbolism? What are the effects of making the Nakba a finite historical episode that one bemoans but must ultimately accept as a fact of history?

I will suggest to you that there is much at stake in all of this, in rendering the Nakba an event of the past, a fact on the ground that one cannot but accept, admit, and finally transcend; indeed that in order to move forward, one must leave the Nakba behind. Some have even suggested that if Israel acknowledges and apologises for the Nakba, the Palestinians would forgive and forget, and the effects of the Nakba would be relegated to historical commemorations, not unlike the one we are having this year.

In my view, the Nakba is none of these things, and the attempt to make this year the 60th anniversary of the Nakba's life and death is a grave error. The Nakba is in fact much older than 60 years and it is still with us, pulsating with life and coursing through history by piling up more calamities upon the Palestinian people. I hold that the Nakba is a historical epoch that is 127 years old and is ongoing. The year 1881 is the date when Jewish colonisation of Palestine started and, as everyone knows, it has never ended. Much as the world would like to present Palestinians as living in a post-Nakba period, I insist that we live thoroughly in Nakba times. What we are doing this year is not an act of commemorating but an act of witnessing the ongoing Nakba that continues to destroy Palestine and the Palestinians.

I submit, therefore, that this year is not the 60th anniversary of the Nakba at all, but rather one more year of enduring its brutality; that the history of the Nakba has never been a history of the past but decidedly a history of the present.
(See Resisting the Nakba for the complete article.)

In response to observance of the Nakba, University of Haifa Professor Steven Plaut claims in a misleading article article entitled NAKBA MEANS THERE'S NO PALESTINE:
The term [nakba] was not invented in 1948, but rather in 1920. And it was coined not because of Palestinians suddenly getting nationalistic, but because Arabs living in Palestine regarded themselves as Syrian and were enraged at being cut off from their Syrian homeland.

At the end of World War I, Britain and France divided the spoils of the Ottoman Empire between them. Britain got Palestine, including what is now Jordan, while France got Lebanon and Syria. The problem was that the Palestinian Arabs saw themselves as Syrians and were seen as such by other Syrians. The Palestinian Arabs were enraged that an artificial barrier was being erected within their Syrian homeland by the infidel colonial powers - one that would divide northern Syrian Arabs from southern Syrian Arabs, the latter being those who were later misnamed "Palestinians."

The bulk of the Palestinian Arabs had in fact migrated to Palestine from Syria and Lebanon during the previous two generations, largely to benefit from the improving conditions and job opportunities afforded by Zionist immigration and capital flowing into the area. In 1920, both sets of Syrian Arabs, those in Syria and those in Palestine, rioted violently and murderously.

On page 312 of The Arab Awakening, Antonius writes: "The year 1920 has an evil name in Arab annals: it is referred to as the Year of the Catastrophe (Aam An-Nakba). It saw the first armed risings that occurred in protest against the post-War settlement imposed by the Allies on the Arab countries. In that year, serious outbreaks took place in Syria, Palestine, and Iraq."
In a specious attempt to justify genocidal Zionist racism, Plaut argues that Palestinians are recent immigrants even though this assertion has been refuted by every reputable study of the available census data. In addition, Plaut attacks even the standard Zionist ontology of the Nakba with a ridiculous linguistic argument.

In Yiddish Khurbn (not shoah) refers to the Nazi Holocaust. The word also refers to the destruction of the first temple and second temples.

Does a previous use of a word preclude reminting it to serve in a new context? By Plaut's logic the Nazi Khurbn (Holocaust) never took place.

In point of fact, Plaut's attempt at Nakba-denial supports Massad's ontological understanding of the historical and ongoing conflict over Palestine.

Not only was the League of Nations Palestine Mandate part of the process of Nakba (or Holoexaleipsis) that Zionist fanatics plotted since 1881, but the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire was also almost certainly a key component of the Nakba because payoffs from Zionist members of the Cousinhood of the wealthiest British Jews probably influenced the British government's decision to dismantle the Ottoman Empire
  • despite British strategic interests in the ME as well as in the Balkans and
  • despite Foreign Office warnings of an angry Muslim reaction.
The process of Nakba or Holoexaleipsis started in 1881, included the Year of the Catastrophe (Aam An-Nakba), and continues to this day.
 
Because Milton Friedman's robber economics has spread throughout the world as the financial analogue, derivative, and generalization of the Nakba, the growing list of victims is no longer restricted only to Palestinians, Arabs, or Middle Eastern populations but includes people throughout Latin America, the Horn of Africa, South Africa, Eastern Europe, and Asia.

Because the Bush administration dominated by Jabotinskian Neoconservatives and Friedmanite Neoliberals bet the US economy on successfully looting Iraq, Lebanon, Iran, and Sudan via privatization, Bush has now resorted to an economic policy to squeeze lower and middle class Americans to make sure wealthy Americans can maintain their incomes and life styles. (See Judonia Rising Complete or Judonia Rising Complete (pdf).)

Because the Palestinian Resistance provides concrete and ongoing proof that the weak can resist the wealthy and the powerful (even a United States President, who has sold out the United States to rich Zionist Americans), the Palestinian Resistance gives hope to all of humanity while Zionists and their willing collaborators are the enemies of the entire human race. 
 
[For the record, at the end of his article Plaut discusses Bashar Assad's great-grandfather, who was a blatant collaborator with the French in Syria.  It is not surprising that quislings would find ways to praise the division of the Ottoman Empire. One should only take their comments as seriously as one might take Petain's comments about reaching a settlement with Hitler.]

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Thursday, May 15, 2008

The Veil in American History

When American Women Wore Veils
 
In Within the Plantation Household, Black and White Women of the Old South (Chapel Hill, 1988),  Elizabeth Fox-Genovese writes on pp. 219-222.
After emancipation, to the despair of many whites, the freedwomen enthusiastically took to carrying parasols and wearing veils. An officer of the Freedmen's bureau reported to Sidney Andrews that "the wearing of black veils by young negro women had given great offense to the young white women and that there was a time earlier in the season when the latter would not wear them at all." The matter, Andrews noted, was of no small significance. As early as 1740, in the wake of the Stono Rebellion, South Carolina had passed legislation to restrict slaves to cheap clothing. The legislation proved unenforceable and, in the opinion  of the great nineteenth century jurist, John Belton O'Neall, should have been repealed. Charleston boasted an unusually large free black population, the independence of which made some whites uneasy. South Carolinians, like early modern Europeans before them understandably viewed dress as a leading sign of class affiliation and saw in its regulation a privileged vehicle for reminding a lower class of its proper station.
 
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Wednesday, May 14, 2008

Jewish Extremism at Harvard

Pipes is a sneaky extremist.
 
Brook is blatant.
 
I will try to post a summary and some commentary within a day or so.
 
I speak at 6:45 and 13:00 in part 2.
 
http://www.motionbox.com/video/player/a098d2be101ce828?iid=shothpub

pipesbrookpart1.avi

http://www.motionbox.com/video/player/a098d2be101ce828?iid=shothpub watch now

 
http://www.motionbox.com/video/player/a098d2b81c1ee028?iid=shothpub

pipesbrookpart2.avi

http://www.motionbox.com/video/player/a098d2b81c1ee028?iid=shothpub watch now

 

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Tuesday, May 13, 2008

Israel Lobby and American Society

Complete Judonia Rising OnLine

The Israel Lobby is neither just another lobby nor is it merely the expression of the power of the State of Israel in the USA.

The Israel Lobby is the public face of the Zionist Virtual Colonial Motherland (or Judonia).

Scholars and analysts have missed the true nature of the Israel Lobby because understanding it requires a skill set combining background in Jewish studies, political science, ethnology, economics, and government as well as reading knowledge of a plethora of languages.

Unless they are neutralized, Israel lobbying groups, Israel advocates, Zionists, Neoconservatives, and Friedmanites will steal America and effectively abolish the Constitution in all but name to create a society of servitude for all Americans except for those belonging to the hyper-wealthy transnational Zionist political elite.

Please read
  • Judonia Rising Complete or

  • It gives the only explanation for the current US economic and political situation, which is so grave that Judonia Rising needs to be put into publishable form as soon as possible.

    I need to do a lot of archival research, forensic statistics, and also some original work in economics so that I can put the concept of a Gross Domestic Product for Judonia onto a firm basis in economic theory.
     
    Please donate now to free America and the world! Anything would help. If you have questions, you can email me at ThorsProvoni@aol.com.

    The donation button is in the upper left corner of the EAAZI website or at the lower left corner of this blog entry.












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    Monday, May 12, 2008

    Mukasey Obstructs Justice?

    Jews and the American Justice System
     
    Liberal White Boy covers a possible conspiracy to obstruct justice of the sort discussed in Judonia Rising.

    Monday, May 12, 2008

    The AIPAC Espionage Trial...Manatt, Phelps, Phillips, AIPAC and a Stink Of Impropriety

    The Cabal's Plot To Obstruct Justice Thickens
    Just when you thought the Zionist Lobby/Cabal couldn't get any more treacherous, guess what? Several weeks ago Mukasey Prepares DOJ's Exit Strategy From AIPAC Espionage Trial Prosecution was posted by yours truly right here at the homosapien underground. This post was picked up by bloggers though out the Internet including What Really Happened. In it I stated that with the appointment of Zionist Robert Mukasey as Attorney General the Government would likely drop it's espionage case before the annual AIPAC treason-fest in Chicago on June 2, 2008 (a top Cabal priority according to my AIPAC member friends). Even though the case continues to hobble along near death in Federal hospice, unless my sources at DOJ (Druggies of Jamaica) are wrong, it will not be by June 2. I will update you Wednesday about the recent developments and hearing dates in the case, because the MSM cabal will not. Some of the developments are interesting. But for now, here is another twist. Recall in my last post I had written:

    The latest Zionist attempt however to take the wind out of our Vichy Governments prosecution sail, is to eliminate the lead government prosecutor, Assistant US Attorney Kevin DiGregory for Virginia's Eastern District. Mr. DiGregory was offered employment and a bag of cash with Manatt, Phelps & Phillips, LLP, a national law and consulting firm.
    (To read the complete article, click here.)

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    Sunday, May 11, 2008

    Cross-Cultural Globalized Humor



     
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    Nixon and Jewish Hate Politics

    It's also Nixon's World
    by Joachim Martillo (ThorsProvoni@aol.com)

    Rick Perlstein's Nixonland, the Rise of a President and the Fracturing of a Nation, has just appeared.

    Amazon.Com has ranked the book among the best of the month.

    Amazon.com

    Amazon Best of the Month, May 2008: How did we go from Lyndon Johnson's landslide Democratic victory in 1964 to Richard Nixon's equally lopsided Republican reelection only eight years later? The years in between were among the most chaotic in American history, with an endless and unpopular war, riots, assassinations, social upheaval, Southern resistance, protests both peaceful and armed, and a "Silent Majority" that twice elected the central figure of the age, a brilliant politician who relished the battles of the day but ended them in disgrace. In Nixonland Rick Perlstein tells a more familiar story than the one he unearthed in his influential previous book, Before the Storm, which argued that the stunning success of modern conservatism was founded in Goldwater's massive 1964 defeat. But he makes it fresh and relentlessly compelling, with obsessive original research and a gleefully slashing style--equal parts Walter Winchell and Hunter S. Thompson--that's true to the times. Perlstein is well known as a writer on the left, but his historian's empathies are intense and unpredictable: he convincingly channels the resentment and rage on both sides of the battle lines and lets neither Nixon's cynicism nor the naivete of liberals like New York mayor John Lindsay off the hook. And while election-year readers will be reminded of how much tamer our times are, they'll also find that the echoes of the era, and its persistent national divisions, still ring loud and clear. --Tom Nissley

    Judonia Rising Working Paper Part 2  proposes that the Nixon administration provided the venue in which Jabotinskian Neoconservativism and Friedmanite Neoliberalism first linked together in an alliance that would lead to the incineration of Iraq, the cluster-bombing of Lebanon, mayhem throughout the horn of Africa, and incalculable damage to the US economy and political stature.

    Not only do we live in Nixonland, but we also live in Nixonworld.

    Here is the relevant section of Judonia Rising.

    Changing of the Guard

    In general Judonia and the State of Israel successfully created a structure for Gramscian hegemonic blocking in the USA of any non-Zionist controlled discussion of Israel, the Middle East, and the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, but the behind-the-scenes, subtle string-pulling and quietly manipulative techniques of "Our Crowd" showed signs of ultimate failure because of the conflicts
     
    • between Eisenhower and Israel over the 1956 Suez War,
    • between Kennedy and Israel over the Israeli nuclear weapons effort (Israel and the Bomb[274], and
    • between Johnson and the organized Jewish community over the Vietnam War.
     
    The tension with Johnson arose because he expected support for his Vietnam policy in return for backing Israel in the 1967 War (Anti-War: 1960s versus 2000s[275]) and for preventing too hard a look into the attack on the USS Liberty. (See Money Jews, Brain Jews, Politics.[276])

    Even before the Nixon administration took office, Israel advocates – against all the traditions of "Our Crowd" – had already opened up a public attack on state department Arabists. While the degree of Richard Nixon's sympathy for Jews was debatable, some senior members of the incoming administration were almost certainly sympathetic to the anti-Arabist argument. (See Those Arabists In the State Department; Those Arabists in State[277] and THE "ARABISTS" FUNCTION.[278])
     
    The Nixon Administration[279] is a table of some of the important members in the Nixon administration, who have become major players during George W. Bush's presidency. (The creator of the table has only a superficial understanding of the history of Neoconservatism.)

    Richard Nixon brought Henry Kissinger and Milton Friedman into his administration right from the start.

    As National Security Advisor, Kissinger, who was a German Jewish refugee from the Third Reich, approached foreign policy from the standpoint of Realpolitik as do John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt.

    Nixon appointed Milton Friedman to the Gates Commission in March 1969, met with Friedman regularly, and appointed Friedman's friends and colleagues like George Shultz and Donald Rumsfeld to high administration positions. (The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism,[280] p. 132-133.)
     
    Friedman's Zionism-for-Capitalists economic theory dovetailed both with Kissinger's power politics and US corporate greed
     
    • because it provided the logic to wage economic warfare against Allende and
    • because the proposed sell-off of the state-owned corporations of developing countries to private sector US owners (in a sort of anti-Marxist withering of the state) promised a quick infusion of cash to local elites in order to inspire "free market coups" like that of Pinochet in Chile.
     
    These new neocolonial revenue streams coming to the USA would prove to benefit business and investment sectors, whose domination by "Our Crowd" and by a developing class of wealthy Yiddish Americans or geltyidn was increasing rapidly because of covert ethnic networks whose members protect one another and share insider information.
     
    In general, application of Friedman's economic theory corresponds so closely with the arenda system[281] and with the history of Jewish exploitation in the Ukraine that it could be considered to be an expression of an epistemic culture associated not merely with Zionist politics but with Zionist politics hybridized with traditional Yiddish economics.
     
    Because the Friedmanite profiteers are so far away from the modern equivalent of potentially enraged Cossacks or ethnically cleansed Palestinians, Friedmanism is a far superior as a form of theft or brutal exploitation than either Zionism today or the arenda system in the seventeenth century Ukraine.
     
    The counter-Marxist Friedmanist concept of withering away the state by selling off its functions to private enterprise worked well with Nixon's southern strategy because it was a way for the Republican party to promise racially anxious whites a theoretically weaker federal government less inclined in the future to engage in civil rights activism like the 1970 decision of the IRS to remove the tax-exempt contribution status of Bob Jones University on account of the school's rules against interracial dating.
     
    Irving Kristol realized that the ideological mix that permeated the Nixon admistration was compatible with the first generation Neoconservatism that had developed out of American Jabotinskianism for the following reasons.
     
    1.       Southern white racist evangelical desire for Christian prayer in school, racial segregation, and subordination of women despite Supreme Court decisions paralleled very closely the Zionist rejection of increasing international criticism[lvii] of the basic ideology and practices of the State of Israel including the concept of a Jewish state, denial of Palestinian rights, and waging a demographic war against Palestinians.
     
    2.       Forcefully confronting the Communists in Vietnam was the same as forcefully confronting the Arabs in the Middle East. And
     
    3.       Friedmanism could hardly have been more of better fit with Jabotinsky's own free market ideas.
     
    In addition, both Kristols seem to have had personal connections with Baruch Korff,

    • who in the early 70s lived in Taunton, MA,
    • who had been an important American Jabotinskian leader during the 1940s,
    • who developed a close personal relationship with Nixon during the 1968 campaign, and
    • who as an outspoken defender of Richard Nixon after 1973 became known as Nixon's Rabbi. (See j. - Baruch Korff, `Nixon's rabbi' and activist, dies of cancer at 81.)
     
    Politics and personal relations brought Irving Kristol and his son Bill to back Richard Nixon and his Vietnam policy during the 1972 presidential campaign. (See Neoconservatives, Then and Now[282], [lviii] and On the Political Stupidity of the Jews.[283])
     
    As details of the Watergate scandal became public, prominent members of the Jewish community expressed discomfort with Irving Kristol's and Baruch Korff's continuing support for Nixon.
     
    According to the New York Times,[284]
     
    Rabbi Alexander M. Schindler, president of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, called [Rabbi Korff] an "apologist for rampant immorality" and suggested that many people in the Jewish community were embarrassed by his actions and statements.
     
    Despite such reservations, younger Neocons managed to validate themselves within the Jewish community by championing Russian refuseniks. Even though the campaign provided at best mixed benefit for Russian Jews, who generally had higher incomes and higher status jobs than any other group in the Soviet Union, it was spun as a tremendous success, and Neocons benefited both by sharpening their skills in manipulating the US government and also by establishing strong anti-Soviet credentials. (See The Real Origins of Neocons.[285])
     
    The backing of Neocons and older Jabotinskians seems to have been meaningful to Nixon and the sort of gesture that LBJ always wanted but never received. After some apparent reluctance on the part of Kissinger, who might have been playacting to establish his dominance in relation to the Israeli government, the USA launched the largest resupply effort in its history during the October 1973 War.
     
    When the Arab oil producers reacted by imposing an embargo, the Kristols and their fellow Neocons, responded by discovering that "US security interests" required Friedmanist privatization of Arab oil companies so that they would be run solely for profit with no possible future use as a political weapon. No other rational interpretation of Greenspan: Ouster Of Hussein Crucial For Oil Security[286] is possible because some future ruler of Iraq could easily be even worse than Saddam Hussein by whatever criteria are current at that time. In this sense, the Second Iraq War probably was all about the political threat oil represents to Israel and not about any compelling American security requirement except in the minds of those that cannot distinguish American and Israeli interests.
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    Saturday, May 10, 2008

    Commemoration: Palestinian and Armenian Genocides

    The Truth about Arab Humanitarianism
     
    Four minute commemorative speech
    by Sevag Arzoumanian
    delivered at:
    The Evelyn Abdallah Menconi Memorial Cultural Series on
    April 24, 2008 at  Rabb Lecture Hall, Boston Public Library

    My grandfather, Nazareth Arzoumanian, was 11 years old in the spring of 1915 when Turkish soldiers knocked at the door. He hid in the attic and watched as his father was taken away. That was the last time he saw him. 

    The order soon came to deport all the Armenians in the village, and send them walking on a Death March. A courageous Turkish neighbor agreed to hide my grandfather's mother and younger brother, but there was no room for him and my grandfather was placed in an orphanage. He soon heard that Turkish soldiers were about to raid the orphanage, and he escaped, walking alone for days until he reached the port city of Adana. There, together with other fleeing refugees, he was taken to Lebanon on a French boat.

    My grandfather was raised in an orphanage north of Beirut, and somehow managed to earn a living alone, until one day, years later, he saw his mother on the street – she was working on a construction site, cutting stones. She had miraculously survived the deportations.

    His mother heard that children from their village—now orphans—were being raised in an orphanage in the South of Lebanon. There she found a neighbor's daughter, Lousaper, the sole survivor of her extended family and she brought her home.

    This is how my grandfather Nazareth met my grandmother Lousaper. And this is how many Armenian families survived, while countless others did not.
    ***
    Armenians around the world commemorate April 24 as the date of the unfolding of the Armenian Genocide.

    On the night of April 24, 1915, the Young Turk Government arrested over 200 Armenian intellectuals and community leaders in Constantinople, the center of Armenian cultural and political life at the time. Most of these writers, poets, teachers, artists, political activists, church and civic leaders, members of the Ottoman Parliament were executed soon after. Over the following weeks, this became the pattern in every city, town and village as Armenian leaders were arrested and murdered.

    Soon after these arrests, orders were issued to deport the Armenian population to the Syrian Desert.

    The adult and teenage males were separated from the deportation caravans and killed at the outset. The remaining deportees (now comprised mostly of women, children and the elderly) were driven for weeks over mountains and desert, deprived of food and water, and subjected to attack, rape and murder. They fell by the hundreds of thousands along the way to their eventual destination: the open air concentration camp of Deir el-Zor in the Syrian Desert. 

    By 1923, two-thirds of the Armenian population in the Ottoman Empire, or 1.5 million people, had been exterminated.
    ***
    And if it wasn't for the Arab and Muslim population in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine, many Armenians would not have survived. In 1917 the Sharif of Mecca issued a decree or fatwa for the protection of Armenians. The fatwa read:

    "What is requested of you is to protect and to take good care of everyone from the Jacobite Armenian community living in your territories and frontiers and among your tribes. To help them in all of their affairs and defend them as you would defend yourselves, your properties and children. And provide everything they might need whether they are settled or moving from place to place -- because they are the Protected People of the Muslims — about whom the Prophet Muhammad said: "Whosoever takes from them even a rope, I will be his adversary on the day of Judgment." This is among the most important things we require of you and expect you to accomplish."

     
    Al-Husayn Ibn 'Ali, King of the Arab Lands and Sharif of Mecca
    ***
    Apart from the immense loss of life, the enduring legacy of the Armenian Genocide is the dispossession of a people and the continuing denial of the crime by its perpetrator.

    Within a matter of 18 months, an entire civilization and way of life came to an end. Armenians were uprooted from their ancestral homeland, and those who survived and their descendents were prevented from returning home.

    And for the past 93 years, Armenians have been unable to tell their story and commemorate their loss without having to combat the aggressive and institutionalized denial of the Turkish government.

    This is why many Armenians identify so closely with the plight of the Palestinian people, and the story of the Nakba—it's because of this continued dispossession and the denial and minimization of their experience by the perpetrator.
    ***
    I would like to conclude by thanking the organizers of this event for conceiving this joint commemoration, bringing together two dispossessed peoples who continue to struggle against the legacy of forced expulsion and persistent attempts to erase that history.
    Thank You.
     
    More Information
     
    Original Event Announcement
     
    The Evelyn Abdalah Menconi Memorial Cultural Series  
    Thursday, April 24 2008, 5:00pm - 8:30pm
    Event Description:

    The Evelyn Abdalah Menconi Memorial Cultural Series -- Fourth Memorial Program Remembrance --- Images, and Musical Resonance --In Commemoration of the Palestinian Nakba and the Armenian Genocide -- Thursday, April 24, 2008
      The Evelyn Abdalah Menconi Memorial Cultural Series

     Fourth Memorial Program

    Remembrance, Images, and Musical Resonance

    In Commemoration of the Palestinian Nakba and the Armenian Genocide

    Thursday, April 24, 2008

    Rabb Lecture Hall, Boston Public Library, Copley Square 6:30 – 8:15 p.m. Reception: 5:30 -6:15 p.m.

    OPEN TO THE PUBLIC FREE OF CHARGE

    Program

    Commemorative Speakers

    Hilary Rantisi (Tawassul) and Sevag Arzoumanian

    Performers

    Novelist Susan Abulhawa, The Scar of David, a discussion and reading.

    Documentary Photographer Rania Matar, Muslim Women and the Veil: Modesty, Fashion, Devotion, or Statement.

    Master Qanunist Jamal Sinno, traditional musical selections.

    Sponsors

    William G.  Abdalah Library

    American-Arab Media Foundation

    Tawassul

    For further information and/or directions to the Library, call 781 648 1245
     

       

    Location:  Rabb Lecture Hall, Boston Public Library, Copley Square
    Contact :  781 648 1245
     
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    Friday, May 09, 2008

    Hollywood Crowd: The Latest Atrocity

    by Joachim Martillo (ThorsProvoni@aol.com)
     
     
    On May 5, Dennis Perrin, who is a regular on The Huffington Post (see http://www.huffingtonpost.com/dennis-perrin) added This Season's Atrocity to his blog.
     
     
    Perrin writes:
    "'Hitler is alive in Burma' reads the words scrawled on a cardboard sign, held aloft by a sweet-faced llen Page, the 'Juno' star, in a 90-second human-rights public awareness message that began showing on video-sharing Web sites last week."

    So began a recent New York Times piece about yet another Hollywood celeb concern, this time, human rights in Burma. The Burmese Hitler is played by Gen. Than Shwe, the latest but not last Hitler that we'll see, depending on geopolitical or pressure group need. That "Juno's" lovable homeskillet Page probably had no idea who Than Shwe was before the PSA was shot is not important. She's a hot item, and as Jack Healy of the Human Rights Action Center put it, "you have to 'brand' it up. It's the nature of the business now."
    He adds:
    But what if these enlightened celebs were asked to promote human rights in, say, the Occupied Territories? How many would rush forward, photos of Israeli tanks demolishing Palestinian homes in hand, and denounce starvation and death in Gaza? I'll crawl out on a frail limb here and guess zero. Okay, maybe Susan Sarandon and Tim Robbins, and I'll toss in Danny Glover as well. But I can't think of many more who would dare portray Palestinians as human rights victims worthy of immediate support and solidarity, while excoriating the Israeli state for its ongoing strangulation of Gaza and continued building of West Bank settlements. There's also the minor fact that as American taxpayers, Hollywood celebs directly finance these atrocities, and so are more responsible for what they subsidize than what is fashionable in a PSA.
    Like Naomi Klein in The Shock Doctrine, Perrin presents only a piece of the real issue.
     
    Hollywood celebs, who generally belong to the Hollywood Crowd, which is the elite of Yiddish Hollywood, are thoroughly enmeshed in Zionism and often play a leading role in generating Zionist propaganda and in covering up or distracting from Zionist crimes.
     
    Klein shows the same tendency and writes in her book (p. 118):
    But by focusing purely on the crimes [of the dictatorships in the Southern Cone of Latin America] and not on the reasons behind them, the human rights movement also helped the Chicago School ideology [Friedmanism] to escape from its first bloody laboratory virtually unscathed.
     She continues (p. 121):
    The refusal to connect the apparatus of state terror to the ideological project it served is characteristic of almost all the human rights literature from the period [70s]. Although [Amnesty International's] reticence can be understood as an attempt to remain impartial amid Cold War tensions, there was, for many other groups, another factor at play: money.
    She discusses the role of the Ford Foundation in human rights activism (and its hypocrisy in working closely with the US State Department) but totally neglects to mention the disproportionately Jewish share of contributions to human rights organizations like AI.
     
    Klein adds (p. 124):
    The [Ford Foundation's] decision to get involved in human rights but "not et involved in politics" created a context in which it was all but impossible to ask the question underlying the violence it was documenting: Why was it happening, in whose interests?
    In the case of AI, which receives so much Jewish funding, it was and still is important to ask in the conflict over Palestine how much AI supporters are involved in the violence that AI purports to monitor, to publicize, and to oppose.
     
    Klein then shows her own biases even more obviously (p. 125):
    A tool of the crudest kind of coercion, [torture] crops up with great predictability whenever a local despot or a foreign occupier lacks the consent needed to rule: Marcos in the Philippines, the shah in Iran, Saddam in Iraq, the French in Algeria, the Israelis in the occupied territories, the U.S. in Iraq and Afghanistan.
    Torture is hardly confined to the Occupied Territories and has been an intrinsic aspect of Zionist rule in pre-1967 stolen Palestine and has characterized the Zionist program since the 1890s.
     
    Joseph Massad discusses Zionist and British torture in Desiring Arabs (pp. 45-46):
    Such torture is emblematic of imperial cultures not only at present but also historically. Here is one such report:
    The types of torture employed are varied. They include beatings with fists and [stomping] with boots ... as well as using canes for beating and flogging to death. They also included ... the penetration of the rectums of the victims with canes, and then moving the cane left and right, and to the front and back. They also included pressing on the testicles with the hands and squeezing them until the victim loses consciousness from the pain and until they [the testicles] get so swollen that the victim would not be able to walk or move except by carrying his legs one at a time ... They also included the starving of dogs and then provoking them and pushing them to devour his flesh and to eat off his thighs. It also included urinating on the faces of victims ... [Another form of torture included the soldiers'] sodomizing them, as it seems that this was done to a number of people.
    This report, which describes in almost identical terms what the Iraqi prisoners experienced, was written in August 1938 describing how British and Zionist Jewish soldiers treated revolutionary Palestinians during the 1930s Palestinian Anti-Colonial Revolt. The author of the report, Subhi Al-Khadra, was a Palestinian political prisoner detained in the Acre prison. He came to know of the torture of these prisoners, which had taken place in Jerusalem, because the prisoners were relocated later to his prison in Acre, and told him of their experiences and showed him the physical signs of torture on their bodies. This is how he described the motivation of the British torturers:
    This was not an investigation in which forceful methods are used. No. It was a vengeance and a release of the most savage and barbaric of instincts and of the concentrated spirit of hatred that these rednecks feel towards Muslims and Arabs. They mean to torture for the sake of torture and to satisfy their appetite for vengeance, not for the sake of an investigation nor to expose crimes.
    Khadra's report was published in the Arabic press and sent to British members of parliament.
    By omission Klein puts the issue of Jews and human rights in perspective (p. 126):
    [Gisèle Halimi's] point was that the [Algerian] occupation could not be done humanely; there is no humane way to rule people against their will. There are two choices, Beauvoir wrote: accept occupation and all the methods required for its enforcement, "or else you reject, not merely certain specific practices,  but the greater aim which sanctions them, and for which they are essential." The same stark choice is available in Iraq and Israel/Palestine today, and it was the only option in the southern Cone in the seventies. Just as there is no kind gentle way to occupy people against their determined will, there is no peaceful way to take away from millions of citizens what they need to live with dignity -- which is what the Chicago Boys were determined to do. Robbery, whether of land or a way of life, requires force or at least its credible threat; it's why thieves carry guns, and often use them. Torture is sickening , but it is often a highly rational way to achieve a specific goal; indeed, it may be the only way to achieve those goals. Which raises the deeper question, one that so many were incapable of asking at the time in Latin America. Is neoliberalism an inherently violent ideology, and is there something about its goals that demands this cycle of brutal political cleansing, followed by human rights cleanup operations?
    Klein merits small kudos for her comment about robbery, but until she openly "connects the dots" of Zionism, Neoliberalism, and Neoconservatism and until Perrin and Klein directly address the Jewish perversion of human rights discourse for the sake of the State of Israel, readers have to make a presumption that Klein's and Perrin's Jewishness biases their political analysis.
     
    [For more information, see The Yids Take Over: Nixon, Southern Strategy, Neoconservatives, and Neoliberals and Iran Contra: The Marriage of Friedmanism and Neoconservatism. Note that Perrin like Klein can be a Jewish name. Rabbi Yaakov Perrin experienced his fifteen minutes of fame on account of his eulogy of Baruch Goldstein. See WEST BANK MASSACRE; Israel Orders Tough Measures Against Militant Settlers,  Hatred Stalks the Settlements From Orthodox Jewish Education to Hebron; Scripture Distorted ....While liberal, humanist interpretation of Jewish scripture is possible as Rabbi Allan Miller points out in "Scripture Distorted," racist interpretations are becoming much more common among Jews today. (See Concretization of the Spiritual.) In addition, the Jewish tendency to view non-Jews as an undifferentiated animalistic mass thirsty for Jewish blood has a long history and has often served as a rationalization for exploitation or brutality toward non-Jews.]
     
    Sphere: Related Content

    Thursday, May 08, 2008

    Riad Hamad and Hilda Silverman

    Mazin Qumsiyeh and Philip Weiss memorialized Riad Hamad and Hilda Silverman in:
    Below are my wife's reflections on Riad's death.
    They are a little more personal than most of the material I post on this blog, but Karin describes the sort of inappropriate ad hominem attacks Zionists use to silence and wear down critics. 
    After all what is an insult, an innuendo or a slur to someone that supports the rape and murder of a whole nation?
    Both Riad and Hilda felt the offense that Zionism represents to God and man and had to act.
    Salute them!

    May 6, 2008

    78 drops of olive oil
    by Karin Friedemann

    I finally took the Palestinian embroidered tablecloth to the dry cleaners today. I was going to give it to my mother-in-law for Christmas. Every year I grudgingly drop a couple hundred dollars to buy presents for a holiday I don't even celebrate. Last year I decided to order my gifts from the Palestinian Children's Welfare Fund instead of squandering my money at Pottery Barn. I got a great shawl for my sister-in-law and a beautiful mother-of-pearl Bethlehem souvenir jewelry box featuring the Nativity Scene. I also got a pile of stuff I never even ordered, like a bottle of organic Palestinian olive oil, a handful of little wooden peace-dove pins, and a key chain reading "Bethlehem 2000," which I recall they were hoping would be a big tourist event but the Israeli troops canceled Christmas that year. Hence, the leftover key chains, I suppose. There was also a stack of about 30 flyers about the Wall.

    I was rather astonished when I received the package because the stamps were stuck all over the box in such a disorganized fashion that the post office was not able to stamp them. Later, I soaked the cardboard in water to get the stamps off so I could reuse them. They were the pretty blue and gold Eid Mubarak 41 cent stamps.

    Furthermore, there was a strangely long handwritten message written on the packing slip signed "Riad Hamad." I looked for it after I learned of his untimely demise but unfortunately I could not find it and I have no clear memory of what it said. I remember feeling strangely disturbed because of the tone of urgency with which the note asked me to let the world know what was happening to Bethlehem. A certain part of my brain asked, "What is wrong with him?" because most Islamic or Arabic relief agencies stick to glossy professional mailings free of personality. This charity worker seemed to really want me to know that it was Riad Hamad sending me these gifts from Palestine. I appreciated the gift items but was not sure why he seemed so urgently to feel that I should know his name.

    I was even more astonished when I looked at the embroidered table cloth and saw that it had a faint round stain on it, as from a mug of tea.

    The JCRC of Boston has hosted a website for years, entitled "MARRIAGE," which ponders the question of what my husband and I discuss over dinner. So for all you silly Zionists out there here is your answer! I asked my husband if he knew Riad Hamad and he told me, "Sure, you met him too, at the Al-Awda conference." It was one of our first dates when we were newly married. It was the day that Shaykh Yassin, Mufti of Jerusalem was murdered in his wheelchair by Israeli assassins in a helicopter. I heard him speak once, outdoors in downtown Cleveland during a rally for the release of our beloved brother Imam Jamil Al-Amin. I couldn't understand anything he was saying since it was in Arabic but his voice kept cracking. He reminded me of an old Native American Indian chief begging us to save his people, who were being massacred.

    I told Joachim, my husband, "Your friend at PCWF sent us a stained tablecloth. I paid $100 for that tablecloth." He started laughing. "He sent you a used tablecloth?" We both cracked up. We decided not to ask for a refund since it was for charity but Joachim told me he'd email Riad to tease him about it. He never got around to emailing him though. (Men!)

    Strangely, I was in such a rush to pack the family into the car to go to New Jersey for Christmas, that I actually forgot all the Christmas presents. It was totally embarrassing. But I remember thinking, there must be some reason that God didn't want me to let go of those things, although I did send my sister-in-law the gorgeous black shawl with red embroidery.

    When I saw the news report that Riad Hamad was brutally murdered, I immediately remembered his name.
    He was the weird guy who sent me the box of Christmas presents from Palestine. I saw his photo on the obituary and he did look familiar. He was someone with a strong and uninhibited personality. No wonder you could feel it just from the paper that he had touched. He was one of the few Muslims who could associate with secularists and leftist Jews and not compromise himself socially.

    Last night, I engaged in an act of superstition. A dear friend of mine, aged 38, seems to be convinced that he will die at age 40 since his father died suddenly of heart failure at 40. He has spent most of his life praying and getting ready to pass on to the next world, in my opinion diminishing his joy in life. At one time I was committed to cheering him up. At this point I realized he is enjoying his symptoms.

    I held the near empty bottle of Riad's organic Palestinian olive oil upside down and said to God, "Tell me how many years he will live." By the end of the 30s, I admit, it really did seem like time was running out. But it kept on slowly dripping until it reached 78. The last drop didn't fall, it just hovered there until I got bored of standing there with my arm raised. I used my finger to wipe out the last bit. 78 years. It's not forever, but it's more than 40 years. Or, however old Riad Hamad was when he died.

    This little event reminded me of when Ribhi Ramlawi, the owner of Jerusalem Garden in Ann Arbor, died. I used to work there. Upon hearing of his sudden death, one of the other waitresses, Amy, burst into the kitchen and brought out the vat of hommos that had been prepared for the coming day. She told us to eat, because this was the last hommos Mr. R. had ever made. His hommos was truly the best hommos I ever had in my life.

    I was so relieved to hear Riad Hamad had an Islamic burial. Nothing feels quite as empty as a leftist funeral without prayers. The brother who washed his body said part of Riad's brain was missing, as from a blow or a gunshot wound. I don't know why someone would have wanted to do this to him. I do know that embroidery is a powerful force. I remember wearing my embroidered Palestinian shawl and playing "This Land is Your Land" on my fiddle in Highland Park, New Jersey. The older Zionists went sort of white and crossed to the other side of the street when they saw me, as if they had seen a ghost. The younger psychotic Zionists tried to interrupt me as I played my violin, and when that failed, they formed a circle discussing me. One of them asked me where I got my shawl. He demanded to know how I got into the Occupied Territories. I refused to tell him but in truth I got my shawl from the Palestinian Children's Welfare Fund. As I continued to play old American and Klezmer songs on my violin on the street during that festival, even though they were too timid to approach me, some orthodox Jews sent their children to tell me how much they liked my violin playing. There was something so powerful, almost magical, about that Palestinian embroidery.

    Now I know why God made me forget to bring the gifts from Bethlehem. He wanted me to have them. In the years to come, I may need them to remind me of why I am alive. What am I doing here. I am here to struggle for Allah. The owner of the dry cleaners seemed to believe there was no doubt the tea stain could be removed. Maybe there is some hope for the life to come.

    One thing I thought was so interesting about the JCRC commentary on my character was that Jonathon Haber compared me to Cleopatra. Many years ago an ex-fiance published a book of poetry in Italian, which includes a number of poems about me, one of which speaks of me swimming in the Mediterranean Sea at night, "naked as a Cleopatra." And here I am, middle aged, and some Jew pens an apparently permanent online commentary about me, again referring to me as Cleopatra.

    [Joachim notes that Karin has some physical resemblance to Cleopatra VII of the Ptolemy Dynasty. See Cleopatra VII for more information.]


    So I just wanted to mention something that I hope might mean something to Riad, if he can hear me out there, and all the Palestinians scattered in the world out there and beyond. I grew up in America, never feeling like I quite belonged here. My mother came here in search of feminism and my father came here in search of my mother. I always wanted to return to Europe. For most of my teenage years, that was what I planned to do. By the age of 20 I managed to charm a Swiss man into offering me his gold confirmation ring with his initial on it. His family owned land in Italy and I went to see it. Olive trees in a sandy orchard as far as the eye could see, and on the horizon, the speckled lights of the ancient city of Florence. The house was over 100 years old. He had been born there, as had his mother. It was beautiful. There was an oil painting of the Virgin Mary on the wall, and a terra cotta roof. Wine in barrels and olive oil and chickens running around in the yard. An ancient stone oven in the garden, where one could bake bread without overheating the house. The neighbors were old folks, drinking their grappa beneath the grapevines. Not too far away was his actual home in Switzerland, in the mountains, near crisp cold sparkling clean waterfalls and rivers that rushed through the dark green forests of the most beautiful region in the western world. His parents started fixing up the old house when they learned he had fallen in love with me, hoping for grandchildren, I suppose.

    I just couldn't go through with it though. America was my home, and I had already fallen in love with Islam. Europe, as beautiful as it was, seemed to me to be a place whose time had come and gone. Now it was just old folks enjoying the scenery, waiting to die, essentially. The churches all empty, the women's wombs all barren. I invited him to join Islam, but he said he was just a simple village boy. He didn't think he could be something as exotic as a Muslim. So I left him. It was one of the hardest things I ever had to do. I left him behind for the sake of Allah (not that I'm that great of a Muslim or anything). I accepted to live in this ridiculous country, the ugly and cheap United States of America.

    Why?

    Now I know why because Riad Hamad reminded me. He wanted me to have those gifts to remind me of why I am alive and why I am going to die. What am I doing here. I am here to struggle for the sake of Allah. I am here to remind you that there are more important things than olive trees as far as the eye can see. There is more to life than rings of gold and even fresh eggs from the chickens in the yard. That thing that makes life go forward is purpose. God wants every person to have a purpose, yours to unfold the true potential of your soul's longing. I would have been bored to death there. I need struggle.

    And so do you. Because struggle is the essence of the seed which grows, simply to affirm its own self worth, and pushes its way through the darkness of the soil until it explodes, so to say, above the soil and becomes a flower, and then a fruit. That is what life is. You don't get the flower and the fruit unless you go through that struggle of sheer hope that what you are doing is the right thing, pushing your way through the darkness, searching for the Light, knowing it must be there.

    All plants are Muslims so we have to learn the lesson from the plants. The Land is not the goal, it is a means. We struggle through the land, through our lives, through our every effort, because we are reaching for the Light. And the Eternal Light is the Nur of Allah.

    I would rather be a Muslim in America than own every olive tree in the Mediterranean. Because on the day that I die, that is the only thing that is going to matter.

    I am so happy Riad has found that Light and he is so lucky to have died as a Shaheed. I envy him.
    Please make me worthy of a death as honorable as that of Riad Hamad and give me Paradise as well.

    To Allah belongs the Kingdom, and the Glory, forever.

    Amen.
    ===
    SULLA SPIAGA DI VIAREGGIO
    by Cosimo Pieracci
    Vita: Madre di Parole
    Ma ora il tuo sguardo brilla di vino e fatica, sorridi.
    Sei solo un'ombra nell'aria densa
    di questa discarica di sabbia.
    Esercizi di yoga accanto alla striscia d'argento
    generosa carezza che luna
    stende qui come su altri mari.
    Io scrivo con gli occhi pieni
    di zanzare e di sonno.
    Vorrei addormentarmi,
    farlo possibilmente senza doverti baciare;
    Tu non chiedi nulla e nemmeno saetti
    all'improvviso la tua lingua attraverso le mie labbra
    cosi mentre parlo o sbadiglio:
    il sorprendente bacio del camaleonte!
    Ti stendi leggera, aspetti il sonno, lo ottieni.
    Dovro ancora lottare a lungo contro posto o poco distante da li.
    La mattina e un paradiso:
    sono venute le rondini, il sonno ha spento i motorini
    e la giostra, un cono di silenzionsi gabbiani attraverssa
    il latte dell'alba dove ti bagni
    nuda come una Cleopatra.
    Vedo la tua nuca andare verso l'acqua,
    entrare nel rumore della risacca, sparire.
    Il tuo pube torna al nostro giaciglio proprio
    prima che l'oro cominci a colare sui passi lunghi
    si muti magicamente in azzurro.
    Le lingue del mare si srotolano sulla spiaggia,
    tra le zampe di quattro bastardi ubbidienti e felici,
    facendo una piccola schiuma nell'orgasmo di leccare il mondo.
    Comprendo le'estasi di cui parlavi ieri alla mi mente
    stanca nel momento in cui tornavi a sdraiarti sul ventre.
    …Cosi le nere ombre della notte si sdraiano caute
    sulla sabbia, copiando per non essere scorte, le forme del mondo…
    Quanto poco possono sul tuo corpo le mie mani ora che sai
    la dolcezza con cui ti carezza il tuo immenso amante di zaffiro.
    Sphere: Related Content

    Wednesday, May 07, 2008

    Emergency Report: Shu`la Hospital -- مستشفى الشعله

    Monday, May 05, 2008

    Urgent - Attacking Shu'la Hospital in Baghdad


    عمر الكبيسي

    تمت اليوم الإثنين المصادف 5/5 مهاجمة مستشفى الشعله في جانب الكرخ وهو المستشفى الساند لقطاع شعبي كبير في الكرخ ومدينة الشعلة التي بدأت فيها عمليات عسكرية و مجابهات بين أفراد حي محاصر وبين القوات الأمريكية والعراقيه تحت شعار الخلاص من عصابات الموت والقتل . لا أدري في اي تاريخ عسكري شنت عمليات عسكرية باستهداف مستشفى مدني ، فالأطباء يهانون على أيادي من يسموهم ظلما وعدوانا بالجيش العراقي ويضرب مدير المستشفى الاخصائي الزميل ياسين الركابي الذي هو أساسا طبيب وضابط عسكري في الجيش العراقي المهمش وليس المنحل .ا

    من سيقوم بإخلاء الخسائر وتضميد وانقاذ الجرحى؟ انا حقيقة لاأستطيع السكوت عندما يصف الزميل الصحفي ياسرالشمري هذا اليوم مستشفيات مدينة الصدر النسائية والقادسية بمستشفيات الأموات التي تستغل فقط لإلقاء الجثث فيها علما بأن نسبة 60% من القتلى هم من النساء والأطفال . ألا تحرك هذه الكوارث الضمائر؟ أية حرية و ديمقراطية وأية حكومة إصلاح وإعمار ووحدة وطنية هذه ؟ هل تحرك هذه الاحداث الكتل السياسية التهالكية للإنظمام الى مائدة الوزاره المالكية ؟ اي دستور يسمح للجيش ان يستخدم لقتل الشعب واهانة الاطباء وتهديدهم ؟ أليس فيكم من رجل رشيد ايها النواب والوزراء ؟ أين اسلام الاحزاب الاسلاميه واين ديمقراطية
    الاحزاب اللبراليه والوطنيه ؟ . ا

    Today, Monday, May 5th, the Shu'la hospital in Karkh district was attacked. This hospital has been supporting a large population in Shu'la city. There, the military operations and confrontations erupted between civilians in this neighborhood and the U.S. occupation and Iraqi forces under the banner of "eliminating the gangs of death and murder." Historically, I am unaware of military operations targeting civilian hospitals!! The doctors as well as the director were being humiliated and beaten by, what unjustly called, the Iraqi army. In fact, the director of the hospital, my colleague Yassin al-Rikabi, is essentially a doctor and a military officer in the marginalized (and not dissolved) Iraqi army.

    Who will evacuate the dead bodies and heal the wounded? I really can not keep silent when today my colleague, the journalist Yasir Shammri, described Sadr City hospitals as the hospitals of death whose function is just to keep corpses. According to UNICEF, 60% of those killed are women and children. Aren't these disasters sufficient to move the conscience? What freedom and democracy and what government reform, reconstruction and national unity are those? Will these events move the corrupt political parties to PM Maliki's table? What constitution allows the army to kill people and insults and threatens doctors? Is there any wise man amongst you, deputies and ministers? Where is the Islam of the Islamic parties and where is the democracy of the liberal and patriotic parties?


    Translated to English by Wafaa' Al-Natheema (with some minor spelling changes by Joachim Martillo)

    Omar al-Kubaisy graduated from Baghdad Medical College in 1969, spent 3 years in the Uk for postgraduate in medicine and cardiology obtaining MRCP in 1976, then FRCP in the UK. He is a senior cardiologist and an ex-dean of postgraduate cardiology board, ex-director of Saddam Cardiac Surgery in Baghdad.
    Sphere: Related Content

    Monday, May 05, 2008

    Not Just an Ordinary Lobby

    Fight Judonia: Now or Never!
    by Joachim Martillo (ThorsProvoni@aol.com)

    The Israel Lobby and American Society
    What the Israel Lobby Really Is
    How It Hurts the USA
    What to Do About It
    A Working Paper

    Part II: The Genesis, Development and Future of the Lobby
    or
    Accidental Empire

    "The history of Israel without the distraction of Israeli history"

    Introduction: The Virtual Colonial Motherland as Political Innovation


    When Uri Avnery spoke upon receiving the Lev Kopelev prize with Sari Nusseibeh in Cologne, Germany on November 22, 2003, he tried to whitewash Zionism by joking:


    What is a Zionist? A Jew who takes the money of a second Jew in order to send a third Jew to Palestine.


    This quip has appeared in discussions of Zionism for about 75 years (including recently in the Mondoweiss blog) and hides the facts by putting them in plain view with a sarcastic description that can apply to the colonial office of any imperial state that uses some portion of tax revenue to send settlers to live in a foreign colony. In other words, the goal of Zionism was not so much the establishment of a settlement or state in Palestine as it was of creating an Empire. In the context of the last decades of the nineteenth century, the idea was hardly unreasonable. The newly consolidated German and Italian states felt cheated or left out and fairly quickly sought to enhance their status, wealth and power by acquiring foreign colonies. In the 1880s Eastern European Jews outnumbered Danes, who already had their own colonial Empire. While the Dutch built their physical countryside as they became wealthier and more powerful through enlargement and exploitation of their imperial possessions, Zionists never bothered with a physical territory but expanded and elaborated the organizational capabilities of their virtual colonial motherland as they became richer and more influential in parallel with the development of the Zionist settlement in Palestine.


    Because discussing a colonial motherland in connection with Zionism seems oxymoronic by definition within the framework of Zionist ideology and possibly because mainstream academics simply do not take Jewish history and politics seriously enough, the development of this virtual state structure has escaped the attention of all historians and political scientists that have studied the history of Modern Israel and its relationship with the USA. Professors John Mearsheimer and Walt use the term Israel lobby but explain:


    We use "Israel lobby" as a convenient shorthand term for the loose coalition of individuals and organizations that actively work to shape U.S. foreign policy in a pro-Israel direction. (The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy by John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, p. 112.)


    They add:


    As with other special interest groups, the boundaries of the Israel lobby cannot be identified precisely, and there will always be some borderline individuals or organizations whose position is hard to classify. (Ibid, p. 113.)


    James Petras writes in The Power of Israel in the United States:


    C. Wright Mills once wrote that the US "power elite" ruled by denying it held power. The Zionist elite follows this formula, but defends itself by accusing its adversaries of being "anti-Semites" and pursuing retributive measures that would please former Senator Joseph McCarthy. The Zionist power configuration (ZPC) cannot be understood merely as the "Jewish Lobby" or even the AIPAC, as formidable as it is, with 150 full-time functionaries. The ZPC can best be understood as a complex network of interrelated formal and informal groupings, operating at the international, national, regional and local levels, and directly and systematically subordinated to the State of Israel, its power holders and key decision makers." (p. 46.)


    In some regards ZPC is better than Israel lobby, but Petras is incorrect in claiming that the ZPC is "subordinated to the State of Israel, its power holders and key decision makers."


    Neither of the two terms does justice to the history or political economy of the Zionist virtual colonial motherland, which this document names by combining combining Iud/aeus (Latin: Jew) with Pol/onia.to create the term Judonia in order to emphasize the analogy with the historical concept of Polonia during the time period when the Polish state had ceased to exist.


    Judonia's leadership is unique among imperial governments, for it has no need to compromise with or compensate for the exigencies of ruling an actual physical nation-state. Because Judonia's colonialism and imperialism function in particularly pure forms, they would long ago have become the subjects of immense scholarly inquiry if only mainstream historians and political scientists took Jewish history and internal politics seriously.

    WORLD JEWISH POPULATION


    1800

    1840

    1880

    1900

    1914

    1938

    1948

    Europe (Incl. Russia)

    1,500

    3,950

    6,858

    8,900

    9,100

    9,500

    3,700

    Asia

    -

    300

    370

    510

    500

    1,000

    1,300

    Africa, Middle East

    1,000

    198

    250

    375

    400

    600

    700

    North & South America

    -

    50

    250

    1,200

    3,500

    5,500

    5,800

    Australia

    -

    2

    10

    15

    -

    -

    -

    TOTAL

    2,500

    4,500

    7,738

    11,000

    13,500

    16,600

    11,500

    Table 1 A summary of the distribution of Jews throughout the world from 1800 to 1948 (1000s)

    A Disenfranchised Elite


    The Jews of Commonwealth Poland (Rzeczpospolita Polska, 1505-1795) had lived in the center of a powerful state and constituted an economic elite with easy access to the rulers. In partitioned Poland they were a disenfranchised frustrated transnational elite of a vanished state. Without any relocation whatsoever, the members of this elite now inhabited territories, far less politically and economically significant, at the periphery of the Prussian, Austrian and Russian empires. While on the whole Jewish income was higher than that of their non-Jewish neighbors, it was nowhere near the levels to which many Jews aspired and felt they could achieve if granted access to the central imperial territories. Jews were subjected to various forms of exclusion and discrimination in all three states, and they felt humiliated.


    A typical Jewish intellectual harboring such feelings was Peretz Smolenskin. He was a popular albeit not particularly successful writer. He was ostensibly responding to the pogroms following the targeted assassination of Czar Alexander II by a Jewish-led terror squad (see Followup (II): Origins of Modern Jewry) with the essay "Let us search our Ways" (1881):


    To our shame and sorrow we must admit that there is no peace and unity among us. We were weak within ­— therefore our strength was little in the day of evil. Would this have happened had we believed in our hearts that the ten million Jewish souls belonged to one nation? Every person in his right senses would reply: No! Why are we treated like this? Because we have sunk so low that our self-respect has died – because we have come to like charity flung at us in disgrace and contempt. (See The Zionist Idea, A Historical Analysis and Reader by Arthur Hertzberg, p. 150.)


    Just as the founders of the Dutch or Honorable (British) East India Companies had no inkling that they were founding the Dutch and British Empires (as they were experimenting with the new financial instrument of the joint-stock corporation), Smolenskin shows no obvious consciousness of proposing an Empire for Eastern European Jews as he identifies the territory, manpower, and resources necessary to create a colony:


    [English explorers] have established that the [Land of Israel] is very good and that, if cultivated with skill and diligence, it could support fourteen million people. Even if we assume some exaggeration (though in truth there is none) and that there is room for only half that number, Eretz Israel can nonetheless contain all those who might wish to take refuge there. Not all Jews will go there — only those who are destitute or persecuted will look for a place to which to emigrate. It would be enough if only one million of our brethren would go, for it would be a relief both to them and to those remaining in the lands of the dispersion. (Ibid, p. 152.)


    Our Jewish philanthropists should therefore not tarry, if they really want to help their less fortunate brethren. They should hasten to buy land and let Jews settle on it to begin a new life. We can be sure that money will not be lacking, if only men of sufficient vision can be found to initiate this project in the right spirit, with a desire to help their people. In all countries there exist such Jews, many more than we know of, who strive to help their people with all their might and main. Only one thing is lacking — a united purpose. As soon as we succeed in achieving unity for this great work, fruition will not be long in coming. (Ibid, p. 153.)


    Because of exclusion from governmental or professional employment by law or prejudice, Smolenskin and similar underemployed Jewish intellectuals were available as a pool of organizers for all sorts of political, reformist or radical politics. Members of the then numerically insignificant Zionist intelligentsia developing in the 1880s would eventually become the original bureaucracy as well as the foreign and colonial office of Judonia that was coming into being. Like any other colonial bureaucracy few seem to have ever had any intention of relocating permanently to the Jewish settlement even if they publicly claimed otherwise.


    If Smolenskin and fellow early Zionists showed any conscious realization that wealthy Western Jews had sufficient wealth in aggregate to found a low-budget colonial empire that did not have to distract itself with the maintenance of a physical colonial motherhood, they would count as some of the most astute practical political thinkers of the nineteenth century, but they like most political actors seem to have been sleepwalking through history and could not come up with the right marketing gimmick to shake money out of the pockets of western Jews.

    Judonia Rising working Paper Part 2 contains about seventy-six pages within its main body as well as twenty eight pages of notes.

    The table of contents on pp. 1-3 identifies the main divisions of the document.

    The second and third sections, Introduction: The Virtual Colonial Motherland as Political Innovation and Disenfranchised Elite, assert that European Jews had the resources, skill set, and mentality to create their own colonial empire.

    From the section, Jewish Capabilities and Resources, up to and including the section, Aspects of US Jewish Communal Organization, I attempt to prove this thesis.

    Of these sections, probably The Economics of Judea and High and Low Politics of Nascent Judonia are most important.

    The section Judonia, Balfour Declaration and Afterward briefly summarizes the history of the Virtual Colonial Motherland (i.e., Judonia) from the Balfour Declaration to this day.

    The Roaring 90s in particular points out
    • that the USA has become a client state of Judonia and
    • that President George W. Bush plays the role of Vidkun Quisling or Marshal Pétain.
    The section, The Context of Jewish Violence and Subversion, asks whether the thesis is simply an updated version of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion while the concluding section, Fighting the Dystopic Future, addresses possible developments in the near term.

    We Americans have about eight months to free ourselves from the monkey on our back.

    I need to finish and (self-)publish the book as quickly as possible.

    In its current form the main body of The Israel Lobby and American Society has approximately 132 pages with many web references.

    It will probably grow about three times larger as I incorporate hyperlinked material directly into the text.

    I will use following structure.
    APPENDIX
    Not only do all the components require work, but completing the Judonia Rising Working Paper Part 2 would probably require archival research, interviews, and forensic statistical analysis.

    Because the book will propose strategies and tactics to thwart the Israel Lobby, which is the public face of Judonia, I need to test generalized versions of techniques
    that I developed to drive Summers from the Harvard Presidency and to harass the David Project during the Roxbury Mosque controversy.

    I do not have the resources necessary to fund and to complete this project in the critical time frame.
    Please donate now to free America and the world! Anything would help. If you have questions, you can email me at ThorsProvoni@aol.com.

    To contribute, use the button at the bottom of this item or the one in the upper left corner of Ethnic Ashkenazim Against Zionist Israel.

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