Not Just an Ordinary Lobby

Fight Judonia: Now or Never!

by Joachim Martillo (ThorsProvoni@aol.com)

The Israel Lobby and American Society
What the Israel Lobby Really Is
How It Hurts the USA
What to Do About It
A Working Paper
Part II: The Genesis, Development and Future of the Lobby
or
Accidental Empire

"The history of Israel without the distraction of Israeli history"

Introduction: The Virtual Colonial Motherland as Political Innovation

When Uri Avnery spoke upon receiving the Lev Kopelev prize with Sari Nusseibeh in Cologne, Germany on November 22, 2003, he tried to whitewash Zionism by joking:

What is a Zionist? A Jew who takes the money of a second Jew in order to send a third Jew to Palestine.

This quip has appeared in discussions of Zionism for about 75 years (including recently in the Mondoweiss blog) and hides the facts by putting them in plain view with a sarcastic description that can apply to the colonial office of any imperial state that uses some portion of tax revenue to send settlers to live in a foreign colony. In other words, the goal of Zionism was not so much the establishment of a settlement or state in Palestine as it was of creating an Empire. In the context of the last decades of the nineteenth century, the idea was hardly unreasonable. The newly consolidated German and Italian states felt cheated or left out and fairly quickly sought to enhance their status, wealth and power by acquiring foreign colonies. In the 1880s Eastern European Jews outnumbered Danes, who already had their own colonial Empire. While the Dutch built their physical countryside as they became wealthier and more powerful through enlargement and exploitation of their imperial possessions, Zionists never bothered with a physical territory but expanded and elaborated the organizational capabilities of their virtual colonial motherland as they became richer and more influential in parallel with the development of the Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Because discussing a colonial motherland in connection with Zionism seems oxymoronic by definition within the framework of Zionist ideology and possibly because mainstream academics simply do not take Jewish history and politics seriously enough, the development of this virtual state structure has escaped the attention of all historians and political scientists that have studied the history of Modern Israel and its relationship with the USA. Professors John Mearsheimer and Walt use the term Israel lobby but explain:

We use "Israel lobby" as a convenient shorthand term for the loose coalition of individuals and organizations that actively work to shape U.S. foreign policy in a pro-Israel direction. (The Israel Lobby and US Foreign Policy by John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, p. 112.)

They add:

As with other special interest groups, the boundaries of the Israel lobby cannot be identified precisely, and there will always be some borderline individuals or organizations whose position is hard to classify. (Ibid, p. 113.)

James Petras writes in The Power of Israel in the United States:

C. Wright Mills once wrote that the US "power elite" ruled by denying it held power. The Zionist elite follows this formula, but defends itself by accusing its adversaries of being "anti-Semites" and pursuing retributive measures that would please former Senator Joseph McCarthy. The Zionist power configuration (ZPC) cannot be understood merely as the "Jewish Lobby" or even the AIPAC, as formidable as it is, with 150 full-time functionaries. The ZPC can best be understood as a complex network of interrelated formal and informal groupings, operating at the international, national, regional and local levels, and directly and systematically subordinated to the State of Israel, its power holders and key decision makers." (p. 46.)

In some regards ZPC is better than Israel lobby, but Petras is incorrect in claiming that the ZPC is "subordinated to the State of Israel, its power holders and key decision makers."

Neither of the two terms does justice to the history or political economy of the Zionist virtual colonial motherland, which this document names by combining combining Iud/aeus (Latin: Jew) with Pol/onia.to create the term Judonia in order to emphasize the analogy with the historical concept of Polonia during the time period when the Polish state had ceased to exist.

Judonia's leadership is unique among imperial governments, for it has no need to compromise with or compensate for the exigencies of ruling an actual physical nation-state. Because Judonia's colonialism and imperialism function in particularly pure forms, they would long ago have become the subjects of immense scholarly inquiry if only mainstream historians and political scientists took Jewish history and internal politics seriously.

WORLD JEWISH POPULATION

	1800	1840	1880	1900	1914	1938	1948
Europe (Incl. Russia)	1,500	3,950	6,858	8,900	9,100	9,500	3,700
Asia	-	300	370	510	500	1,000	1,300
Africa, Middle East	1,000	198	250	375	400	600	700
North & South America	-	50	250	1,200	3,500	5,500	5,800
Australia	-	2	10	15	-	-	-
TOTAL	2,500	4,500	7,738	11,000	13,500	16,600	11,500

Table 1 A summary of the distribution of Jews throughout the world from 1800 to 1948 (1000s)

A Disenfranchised Elite

The Jews of Commonwealth Poland (Rzeczpospolita Polska, 1505-1795) had lived in the center of a powerful state and constituted an economic elite with easy access to the rulers. In partitioned Poland they were a disenfranchised frustrated transnational elite of a vanished state. Without any relocation whatsoever, the members of this elite now inhabited territories, far less politically and economically significant, at the periphery of the Prussian, Austrian and Russian empires. While on the whole Jewish income was higher than that of their non-Jewish neighbors, it was nowhere near the levels to which many Jews aspired and felt they could achieve if granted access to the central imperial territories. Jews were subjected to various forms of exclusion and discrimination in all three states, and they felt humiliated.

A typical Jewish intellectual harboring such feelings was Peretz Smolenskin. He was a popular albeit not particularly successful writer. He was ostensibly responding to the pogroms following the targeted assassination of Czar Alexander II by a Jewish-led terror squad (see Followup (II): Origins of Modern Jewry) with the essay "Let us search our Ways" (1881):

To our shame and sorrow we must admit that there is no peace and unity among us. We were weak within ­— therefore our strength was little in the day of evil. Would this have happened had we believed in our hearts that the ten million Jewish souls belonged to one nation? Every person in his right senses would reply: No! Why are we treated like this? Because we have sunk so low that our self-respect has died – because we have come to like charity flung at us in disgrace and contempt. (See The Zionist Idea, A Historical Analysis and Reader by Arthur Hertzberg, p. 150.)

Just as the founders of the Dutch or Honorable (British) East India Companies had no inkling that they were founding the Dutch and British Empires (as they were experimenting with the new financial instrument of the joint-stock corporation), Smolenskin shows no obvious consciousness of proposing an Empire for Eastern European Jews as he identifies the territory, manpower, and resources necessary to create a colony:

[English explorers] have established that the [Land of Israel] is very good and that, if cultivated with skill and diligence, it could support fourteen million people. Even if we assume some exaggeration (though in truth there is none) and that there is room for only half that number, Eretz Israel can nonetheless contain all those who might wish to take refuge there. Not all Jews will go there — only those who are destitute or persecuted will look for a place to which to emigrate. It would be enough if only one million of our brethren would go, for it would be a relief both to them and to those remaining in the lands of the dispersion. (Ibid, p. 152.)

Our Jewish philanthropists should therefore not tarry, if they really want to help their less fortunate brethren. They should hasten to buy land and let Jews settle on it to begin a new life. We can be sure that money will not be lacking, if only men of sufficient vision can be found to initiate this project in the right spirit, with a desire to help their people. In all countries there exist such Jews, many more than we know of, who strive to help their people with all their might and main. Only one thing is lacking — a united purpose. As soon as we succeed in achieving unity for this great work, fruition will not be long in coming. (Ibid, p. 153.)

Because of exclusion from governmental or professional employment by law or prejudice, Smolenskin and similar underemployed Jewish intellectuals were available as a pool of organizers for all sorts of political, reformist or radical politics. Members of the then numerically insignificant Zionist intelligentsia developing in the 1880s would eventually become the original bureaucracy as well as the foreign and colonial office of Judonia that was coming into being. Like any other colonial bureaucracy few seem to have ever had any intention of relocating permanently to the Jewish settlement even if they publicly claimed otherwise.

If Smolenskin and fellow early Zionists showed any conscious realization that wealthy Western Jews had sufficient wealth in aggregate to found a low-budget colonial empire that did not have to distract itself with the maintenance of a physical colonial motherhood, they would count as some of the most astute practical political thinkers of the nineteenth century, but they like most political actors seem to have been sleepwalking through history and could not come up with the right marketing gimmick to shake money out of the pockets of western Jews.

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To read the rest of the text, click Judonia Rising Working Paper Part 2 or Judonia Rising Working Paper Part 2 (pdf)!

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Judonia Rising working Paper Part 2 contains about seventy-six pages within its main body as well as twenty eight pages of notes.

The table of contents on pp. 1-3 identifies the main divisions of the document.

The second and third sections, Introduction: The Virtual Colonial Motherland as Political Innovation and Disenfranchised Elite, assert that European Jews had the resources, skill set, and mentality to create their own colonial empire.

From the section, Jewish Capabilities and Resources, up to and including the section, Aspects of US Jewish Communal Organization, I attempt to prove this thesis.

Of these sections, probably The Economics of Judea and High and Low Politics of Nascent Judonia are most important.

The section Judonia, Balfour Declaration and Afterward briefly summarizes the history of the Virtual Colonial Motherland (i.e., Judonia) from the Balfour Declaration to this day.

The subsections Changing of the Guard, The Roaring 90s, and American Gleichschaltung, Burning Arab Countries, Crashing the US Economy are the most important parts of this section.

The Roaring 90s in particular points out

• that the USA has become a client state of Judonia and
• that President George W. Bush plays the role of Vidkun Quisling or Marshal Pétain.

The section, The Context of Jewish Violence and Subversion, asks whether the thesis is simply an updated version of The Protocols of the Elders of Zion while the concluding section, Fighting the Dystopic Future, addresses possible developments in the near term.

We Americans have about eight months to free ourselves from the monkey on our back.

I need to finish and (self-)publish the book as quickly as possible.

In its current form the main body of The Israel Lobby and American Society has approximately 132 pages with many web references.

It will probably grow about three times larger as I incorporate hyperlinked material directly into the text.

I will use following structure.

Preface -- It's Not Only About Palestine

Judonia Rising Working Paper Part 1 (pdf)

Judonia Rising Working Paper Part 2 (pdf)

APPENDIX

Timeline of Zionist Crimes

Historiography of Pre-State Zionism

AJC Attack on Progressive Jews

5th Question: Darfur

Not only do all the components require work, but completing the Judonia Rising Working Paper Part 2 would probably require archival research, interviews, and forensic statistical analysis.

Because the book will propose strategies and tactics to thwart the Israel Lobby, which is the public face of Judonia, I need to test generalized versions of techniques that I developed to drive Summers from the Harvard Presidency and to harass the David Project during the Roxbury Mosque controversy.

I do not have the resources necessary to fund and to complete this project in the critical time frame.

Please donate now to free America and the world! Anything would help. If you have questions, you can email me at ThorsProvoni@aol.com.

To contribute, use the button at the bottom of this item or the one in the upper left corner of Ethnic Ashkenazim Against Zionist Israel.

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