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since Wed, 26 Dec 2007 20:04:17.
Yet the article is worth reading, for it shows how little non-Jewish deaths count in modern Holocaust religion.
Holocaust by bullets
A race to record the untold stories of aging survivors
For more than 50 years, Esther Lupyan kept to herself memories of the "monsters."
Monsters that imprisoned her father.
Monsters that forced her and her mother to live in a ghetto, behind barbed wire, in constant fear of death.
Monsters that killed her 12-year-old brother.
Monsters that marched her neighbors out of town, shot them and left their bodies in mass graves.
Monsters that led her as a 7-year-old, clinging to her mother's skirts, within yards of a portable gas chamber where her neighbors were being killed.
Living most of her life in the Cold War-era Soviet Union, it took Lupyan, now 74, decades to realize her family was part of one of the worst genocides in human history: Adolf Hitler's campaign to eliminate Jews.
"Everybody just tried to survive. Nobody think about word — genocide," she says in accented and not-perfect English. It wasn't discussed. "Never, not in school, not where I work. In Russia. I never talk about that. Because that was the typical feeling of Jews who survived."
Now a retired chemist living in Southfield, Lupyan immigrated to Michigan in 1989. Hundreds of thousands of European Jews left the postwar upheaval mainly for the United States, Israel and Canada. Lupyan and most other survivors remaining in the Soviet Union didn't have that option. "They don't allow us to leave the country," she says.
The communist leaders who forbade emigration also kept the events of the Jewish Holocaust largely unrecognized during the 20th century, favoring a collective, nationalistic interpretation of war that denied what had happened to Jews.
[To read the entire article, click here.]
Soviet leaders had good reason to favor "a collective, nationalistic interpretation of war" that denied a specific Judeocentric interpretation of the mass murder on the Eastern front.
From the beginning, Germany adopted a policy of terror that, though fore foreshadowed in earlier plans for this war of destruction, gathered momentum over time. Already by the end of 1941, the death toll among noncombatants was devastating. Between 500,000 and 800,00 Jews, including women and children, had been murdered -- on average 2,700 to 4,200 per day -- and entire regions were reported "free of Jews." While many Jewish communities, especially in rural areas, were targeted later, the murder of Soviet POWs reached its climax in this early period. In the fall of 1941 [before mass murder of Jews became German Nazi policy], Red Army soldiers were dying in German camps at a rate of 6,000 per day; by the spring of 1942, more than 2 million of the 3.5 million Soviet soldiers captured by the Wehrmacht had perished. By the time of their final withdrawal in 1943/44, the Germans had devastated most of the occupied territory, burned thousands of villages, and depopulated vast areas. Reliable estimates on total Soviet losses are difficult to arrive at; a figure of at least 20 million seems likely.Browning discusses the mindset and rhetoric that justified such barbarism on p. 250.
The Nazi concept of ideological war implied replacing traditional rules of discipline and subordination with a more flexible system that allowed German functionaries on all levels to act promptly and aggressively. In early May 1941 Colonel General Hoepner , commander of Panzer Group 4, which was to be deployed with Army Group North, legitimized the coming war as a "defense of European culture against a Muscovite-Asiatic deluge" (Verteidigung europäischer Kultur gegen moskowitisch-asiatische Überschwemmung) and a "warding off of Jewish Bolshevism" (Abwehr des jüdischen Bolschewismus) Days later, General Müller stated, in regard to the treatment of commissars and the local population, that this campaign would be different from previous ones, the Wehrmacht had to expect resistance from the "carriers of Jewish-Bolshevist ideology," and it was called upon to shoot "locals who participate in the fighting as partisans or intend to do so ... during battle or while trying to escape." Any crimes committed by members of the Wehrmacht as a result of "exasperation about atrocities or the decomposition efforts by the carriers of the Jewish Bolshevist system" were not to be persecuted as long as they did not threaten discipline. This was the tenor of the Erlass über Ausübung der Gerichtsbarkeit und über besondere Massnahmen der Truppe (Decree on the exercise of military court jurisdiction and special measures of the troops) signed by Keitel on May 13, 1941, and sent down by Brauchitsch to the level of army commanders on May 24.Note the similarity to Jewish Zionist and Jewish Neoconservative discourse about Islamofascism and Arab jihadism, but keep in mind that today an increasing number of scholars of the Russian Revolution and the Soviet Union generally accept the reality of the Judeo-Bolshevik threat during the first half of the twentieth century.
In contrast Islamofascism is a racist Jewish fantasy that tries to explain within the delusional Zionist framework why Arabs and Muslims refuse to acknowledge the righteousness of the theft of Palestine from the native population by Eastern European invaders, interlopers, and thieves while present day salafi Arab Jihadism is purely a reaction to Western-supported Zionist aggression, terrorism, and genocidalism.
In other words, today there is no Judeo-Bolshevik menace, for it has been completely supplanted by the clear and present danger of the Zionist intelligentsia supported and funded by politically mobilized Jewish Zionist political economic oligarchs.
These racist Jewish Zionists care as little about the mass slaughter that they have orchestrated throughout the Arab and Muslim world as the standard racist Zionist Holocaust narrative pays attention to the massive murder of gentiles that accompanied the killing of Jews during WW2.
[See Haaretz Confirms: Two Separate Holocausts for more information.]
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