USHMM: National Thought Control

Anschluß 1938, Anschluß 1967
Guilt Tripping Everyone
by Joachim Martillo (ThorsProvoni@aol.com)

 

Shaping Dialogue at Colleges and Universities [2006–07 | ANNUAL REPORT USHMM Annual Report  p. 31] On campuses nationwide, the Museum helps shape dialogue on the history and lessons of the Holocaust. The goal is to offer responsible and comprehensive information to help students better understand the Holocaust and think deeply about their responsibilities in the face of a resurgence of Holocaust denial, antisemitism and intolerance. The Museum sends scholars—both staff and visiting fellows—from a variety of academic disciplines to deliver campus and classroom lectures as well as conduct community programs to stimulate understanding and dialogue about Holocaust history and its relevance. Last year, 70 campuses participated, ranging from large state universities to smaller colleges, with special emphasis on institutions that are striving to incorporate Holocaust education into their courses, such as Historically Black Colleges and Universities, Hispanic-serving institutions and religious-based schools and seminaries.

On Thursday, Feb. 22, 2008, the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM) presented the first program in its Boston Area Speaker Series: "The Baker Film Footage Collection." The featured speaker was Leslie Swift, who is a film researcher at the Steven Spielberg Film and Video Archive. The presentations took place in the Sidney R. and Esther V. Rabb Lecture Hall of the main branch of the Boston Public Library in Copley Square. (See Speaker Series Announcement below.)

According to the above passage coming from the USHMM 2006-7 Annual Report and entitled "Shaping Dialogue at Colleges and Universities," the USHMM serves neither as a mere aid to memory, nor does it function as an institute for historical research. Instead, it acts to "shape dialogue on the history and lessons of the holocaust." 

According to the text below the dialogue shaping appears to aim at preventing "outrageous Holocaust analogies," which probably include comparisons of actions and ideology of the State of Israel with German Nazi practices and concepts. (See Outrageous Analogies at the end of this document.)

The Museum's "challenge is how to help people understand anti-semitism as a universal problem rather than a Jewish problem." Such a goal can only reinforce the idea that Jews are superior to non-Jews because by definition only non-Jews and mentally disturbed Jewish self-haters could engage in anti-semitism.

 

Describing anti-semitism as a universal and not a Jewish problem exempts Jews from any sort of self-examination or guilt for actions that provoke hostility. In other words, if the self-proclaimed Jewish state destroys a Palestinian neighborhood and kills Palestinians in the process, feelings of hatred that might develop among Palestinians and their friends toward the Jewish perpetrators and the mostly Jewish apologists for such atrocities indicate some sort of mental problem among the Palestinian or Palestinian sympathetic-population.

 

Confronting Antisemitism and Denial Antisemitism, the hatred at the heart of Nazi ideology, did not begin or end with Auschwitz. Today's alarming resurgence of antisemitism includes forms of Holocaust denial and minimization as well as outrageous Holocaust analogies, forcing us to ask: What has been learned from history? What must be learned from history? The Museum was built precisely for times like these. As the eyewitness generation diminishes, teaching and documenting the Holocaust could not be more urgent. But we do more than just teach the Holocaust. We show it—with original photographs, artifacts and documents, much of them created by the killers themselves. But it is one thing to present the facts of history yet another to teach the lessons of history in ways that encourage people to act on those lessons. One of the Museum's most potent lessons is that violent hate, once unleashed, impacts entire societies. Bystanders, too, pay a price for their indifference. Our challenge is how to help people understand antisemitism as a universal problem rather than a Jewish problem. The Museum is uniquely positioned to tackle this issue. Few institutions reach such a vast and global audience. Few institutions reach people of such diverse influence—from heads of state to Christian clergy, from FBI agents to State Department diplomats, from college professors to U.N. officials. Our future depends on the decisions of leaders such as these—and on citizens who will hold them accountable for their actions and make important decisions of their own.   The Holocaust offers the most powerful lesson of the danger of unchecked antisemitism and the consequences of decisions to respond—or not. The Museum asks our leaders and citizens to think about their responsibilities and challenges them to consider what they will do, and what they must do.

Creating a mentality that can accept such reasoning requires careful indoctrination in an exceptionalist framework that can overwhelm rational reaction to current events.

 

The USHMM sends an exhibition called "Fighting the Fires of Hate: America and the Nazi Book Burnings" throughout the country. (See the last section of Jewish, Zionist War Against Salvation. It is entitled "ADL's Interfaith Enmeshment.") The USHMM program and documentation fail to mention that Soviets were shooting authors while German Nazis were destroying books. 

 

When the USHMM presenter for that exhibit discussed some attempts at censorship in the USA, he neglected to mention ongoing Zionist efforts to control the availability of Israel critical-literature like The Scar of David by Susan Abulhawa, A Little Piece of Ground by Elizabeth Laird, Dreaming of Palestine by Randa Ghazi, and Overcoming Zionism by Joel Kovel. (See Lobby activities: It's just a fr*ggin' novel!, Dissident Veteran for Peace: Against Zionist Censorship, Zionist attack on Pluto Press, Kovel Pulls No Punches.)

 

The USHMM seems to emphasize Kristallnacht: a nationwide pogrom and Pogroms whenever the IDF wreaks destruction in the Occupied Territories as if to overwhelm current events with the various special lectures and commemorations.

The USHMM's Boston presentation of the Baker Film Footage Collection on the 1938 incorporation of Austria into Germany had a similar effect of distracting from the ongoing annexation of Palestinian territories to the State of Israel.

 

Julie Hock, who is the NE regional director of the USHMM, started by asking Holocaust survivors to stand, and the rest of the audience applauded them. She then explained that the USHMM combats the rise in anti-Semitism and Holocaust denial by providing lectures as well as by exhibiting artifacts and films. In this way, visitors to the Museum and traveling exhibits become witnesses. According to Hock, few organizations can reach as vast and as global an audience as the USHMM, which often has special programs for clergy, FBI agents, US State Department officials and UN bureaucrats in order to increase a sense of accountability as they face their respective challenges in the course of their work.

 

Ilana Offenberger spoke next. She is the granddaughter of Austrian Jewish Holocaust survivors.

 

Offenberger first served as an intern at the USHMM in 2001 and then undertook two more successive internships. She helped give people closure as she provided them with answers to questions about the fate of relatives.

 

In 2001 a large cache of approximately 1.5 million documents relating to the Austrian Jewish community came to light during renovation of a vacant building in Vienna. These items were transferred to the USHMM for preservation.

 

As a PHD student at Clark University, which is the only institution that offers a PHD program in Holocaust and genocide studies, Offenberger has been investigating the concept of the active witness as she researches the history of Austria's Jews through their communal documents. She considers the Baker Film footage to be a particularly exciting artifact in reconstructing the events that befell Austrian Jews during February through April 1938 when Austrian Jews were forced to flee as Germany carried out the annexation (Anschluß) of Austria.

 

Offenberger welcomed Leslie Swift to discuss the historic Baker movie and associated materials, which are now in the possession of the USHMM.

 

The entire Baker family collection consists of the film footage, an associated diary, letters, posters, and leaflets. Ross Baker was a chemist, who took his wife to Austria on vacation. His wife Miriam was a fluent speaker of German.

 

The movie provides a unique glimpse of the Anschluß through the eyes of non-Jewish American visitors.

 

During February 1938 Austria acceded to German demands to give Austrian Nazis increasing power until Chancellor Schuschnigg reached his limit and announced a plebiscite on Austrian independence. In response, Hitler attacked the planned vote as rigged. When the German news media reported riots in Austrian cities, the German Eighth Army crossed the border to the heartfelt welcome of Austrian military and civilians.

 

Amidst the celebrations, which the Bakers recorded  (including the public release of doves to indicate peaceful intentions), the German government quickly moved to integrate Austria into the German state. The joy that the Austrian population shows in the Baker film demonstrates that Austrians hardly constitute the "first victims" of Nazi Germany.

 

While the Germans were concerned that Austrians were driving Jews out of the economy so fast that the results might prove harmful, the German government had no problem with harassments like special taxes, fines or forcing Jewish men to scrub graffiti off walls and streets as the Baker film recorded.

 

The Nazis followed a policy of dehumanizing the Jews by isolation, and non-Jews were forbidden to patronize Jewish-owned shops. Initially, no one with Jewish ancestry received permission to leave, and approximately 1200  Austrians commited suicide.

 

Footage from the period leading up to the plebiscite on annexation shows lots of public display of swastika flags as well as crowds of Austrians wearing swastika armbands, giving loyalty oaths to the new regime and heiling German Nazi leaders including Goebbels, Eichmann, Göring and Hitler. The level of security felt by the German visitors to Austria is striking, and the Bakers were able to film Hitler on the balcony of the Hotel Imperial from a very close vantage point.

 

Shortly before the Bakers leave, Ross Baker films Miriam Baker in a confrontation with an SS guard when she tries to enter a Jewish-owned store.

 

During the comment and question period, Swift mentioned that a Jewish friend asked Baker to speak with American Jewish leader Stephen Wise, but the meeting never took place.

 

Hock made the point that the presentation of the Baker materials will become of tool over the web for teachers because not everyone can visit the USHMM in Washington, D.C.

 

Hock also mentioned that the Austrian government has received a copy of the Baker film, which will be used in official events to mark the Anschluß.

 

I pointed out that the presentation tended to demonize Austrians as irrational fanatic anti-Semites or Hitlerites

• because it omitted discussion of the reasonable Austrian fears of the Soviet Union and
• because it neglected to point out Germany had for the most part exited the Great Depression by 1936 while Austria languished in economic doldrums.

When I suggested that providing some of the economic and geopolitical context might help make the events discussed more comprehensible, Hock showed herself to be a fairly skillful propagandist of Jewish victimology by replying that seizing the assets of Austrian Jews naturally provided economic benefits to Austrian non-Jews.

 

As the audience broke up, one of the attendees told me that my point was good and that he had also been disappointed by the superficiality of the presentation.

 

I went to the front to speak with Swift. I suggested that the presentation might be more valuable and accessible to Americans if it made more analogies with more recent history.

 

I pointed out that the Israeli conquest of the East Jerusalem, the Jordanian West Bank, the Golan Heights and Gaza from Egypt and Jordan has strong similarities with the German annexation of Austria.

 

German historiography sometimes compares "the spirit of 1914" with the epiphany that Germans and Austrians experienced in realizing ein Land, ein Volk, ein Reich (one country, one people, one state) in 1938.

 

 

The famous three soldiers photograph shows the same sort of experience among Israeli Jews at the end of the 1967 war.

 

Of course, in 1967 there was no equivalent of the Austrians that welcomed the Wehrmacht. Instead, Americans and Israeli Jews together shared the overwhelming emotions of  "uniting" Jerusalem while Palestinians suffered like the Jews of 1938 Austria. Later the Israeli government gradually brought settlers into the Occupied Territories to act as Ersatz 1938 Austrians by mistreating Palestinians in the same ways that real 1938 Austrians abused Austrian Jews.

 

Just as the German Nazis drove out Austrian Jews and Aryanized the country, during the 1967 war and shortly afterward approximately 500,000 Palestinians were forced out of the territories that came under Israeli control. (About 20,000 Palestinians were subsequently allowed to return.) In addition, the Israeli government quickly began seizing properties and demolished the 700 year old Maghrabi quarter of Jerusalem as part of the program of Judaization.

 

Swift looked shocked and jerked back away from me. "That's not the history we do!" I appear to have crossed over into the territory of forbidden analogies.

 

Yet, there is a clear human counterpart to the Bakers in the 1967 War. Dr. Abdullah (Mark) Schleifer lived through the Israeli conquest of E. Jerusalem. He is an American Jewish convert to Islam, former NBC Bureau Chief, director of Television Studies at the American University of Cairo, and currently Al Arabiya News Channel's Washington D.C. Bureau Chief. He has left a unique record of that time period in his book entitled The Fall of Jerusalem.

 

The chapters entitled "The Trap," "Dictums," and "Omens" (p. 93-160) recount Israel-Egypt and Israel-Syria diplomatic maneuvering reminiscent of German-Austrian negotiations before the invasion of Austria. Just as the German media lied about riots in Austria, Zionist-dominated media in the USA falsely reported that Abdul-Nasir had demanded removal of UN personnel from Gaza as a prelude to an attack on the State of Israel when he had merely requested redeployment of UN peace-keeping forces away from eastern border of Sinai because of Egyptian operations in Yemen. 

 

For Israeli Zionists the 1967 War seems to have been far more satisfying an achievement than the Anschluß was for German Nazis, who seem to have found their success much too easy. In contrast Israeli Zionists took pride in various diplomatic gambits, clever propaganda, superior intelligence, and military adventures that completed before the cost grew to be more than could be paid back in the revenue stream associated with complete control of the Holy Land.

 

Many Israeli Zionists and many Americans in the late 1960s had memories of the 1938 Anschluß. From the standpoint of the American audience the 1967 remake was far superior to the original.

 

While the USHMM disdains such "outrageous Holocaust analogies," the organized Jewish community has no problem in equating Arabs with Jews to the benefit Israel and strongly supports the Senate and House resolutions that are identified in he Outrageous Analogies section below and that originated with Israel advocacy organizations like the David Project, the Israel Project, and StandWithUs.

 

The Congressional resolutions refer to

a statement by Justice Arthur Goldberg, the United States' Chief Delegate to the United Nations at that time, who was instrumental in drafting the unanimously adopted Resolution 242, where he has pointed out that "The resolution addresses the objective of 'achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem'. This language presumably refers both to Arab and Jewish refugees, for about an equal number of each abandoned their homes as a result of the several wars.";

In fact, numerous researchers have analyzed the destruction of Jewish Arab communities and find no similarity between it and the planned extirpation of most of Arab Palestine in 1947-8 or between it and the ongoing attempt to complete the job since 1967. 

 

Zionists had an active program of false flag operations and incitement of Arab anger in order to drive Jewish Arabs to the State of Israel, where the immigrant refugees could serve as a sort of Ersatz native collaborator population.

 

Moshe Gat recounts in The Jewish Exodus from Iraq, 1948-1951 that Israeli and British agents essentially bribed Nuri al-Said to create conditions to drive Jewish Arabs out of Iraq against his better judgment that such a policy would severely harm the Iraqi economy.

 

Yet, there is one intellectual framework in which the murder of Arab Palestine and the destruction of Jewish Arab communities are comparable. If people do not count as individuals but as cells in the organic body of the nation, then harm to the Jewish nation offsets equal harm to the Arab nation. This extremist organic nationalism, which is the basic principle of both German Nazism and also Zionism, explains the genocidal tendencies of both political movements.

 

For German Nazis, Jews are non-self in the German nation and must be expelled or destroyed.

 

For Zionists, Arabs are non-self in the Jewish nation and must be expelled or destroyed.

 

Extremist organic nationalism is probably the most dangerous and murderous political concept that developed since the Enlightenment, but the Zionist supporters of the USHMM certainly do not want the Museum to teach this particular lesson.

 

Instead the USHMM creates vacuous exhibits and displays to indoctrinate the message that hostility toward Jews is bad whatever nefarious deeds far too many Jews are undertaking either in Palestine by persecuting Palestinians or in the USA by supporting Zionism.

 

Not only does the Museum hypocritically ignore the Nakba or Catastrophe, to which Zionism subjected the native Palestinian population (see More Jewish Genocide Denial), but it focuses on the Darfur tragedy (see below) in order to incite the disintegration or the incineration of Arab and Muslim countries according to Zionist and Neocon (Jabotinskian) plans articulated at the beginning of the twentieth century and often reiterated. (See The Real Origins of Neocons and A Strategy for Israel in the Nineteen Eighties by Oded Yinon.)

Museum and Google Join Forces on Darfur [p. 19] The Holocaust took place before the 24-hour news cycle and the Internet, but the world did have information early on. Yet knowledge did not lead to response. If action depends on understanding, can modern technology play a role in delivering critical information? The Museum joined with Google in spring 2007 to launch an unprecedented online mapping initiative on  the genocide in Darfur. Today, whenever any of the 250 million users of Google Earth view Africa, the destruction in the Darfur region of Sudan is highlighted, and users are linked to the Museum's Web site for more information. This was the first time that Google Earth automatically featured a humanitarian crisis on its satellite imaging service. Via Google Earth, viewers can access photographs, data and eyewitness testimonies assembled by the Museum documenting the violence, villages destroyed and the refugee camps. And they can learn more and get engaged in efforts to help end the suffering. "Crisis in Darfur" is the first project of the Museum's Genocide Prevention Mapping Initiative, which brings to the world critical information on genocidal threats using new mapping technology.

Because the catastrophe in Darfur results from a combination of drought and civil war, treating it inappropriately as a genocide only exacerbates the human disaster. (See Monsters: Hillary Clinton, Samantha Power.)

 

Zionists and the organized Jewish community have turned the USHMM into a complete perversion. It should be dismantled, and the US government certainly should not be funding it all. According to the 2006–07 | ANNUAL REPORT, the US government gave it $40,216,409 when the collective budget of the organized Jewish community is approximately $4.5 billion. The USHMM is a symptom of the manipulation and exploitation that are rotting out the heart of the USA economically, politically, intellectually.

 

Speaker Series Announcement 

 

Thursday, Feb. 22, 2008

 

7:00 PM	US Holocaust Memorial Museum Speaker Series
	The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum presents the first program in its Boston Area Speaker Series: The Baker Film Footage Collection. Featured Speaker: Leslie Swift, Museum Film Researcher. At the Boston Public Library, Sidney R. and Esther V. Rabb Lecture Hall. RSVP by February 15 to Dana Sherman by phone or email.
	~~ The Boston Area Speaker Series is designed to educate the Boston-area community about Holocaust-related issues and to provide behind-the-scenes briefings about the Museum's most current initiatives. The Baker Film Footage Collection features film footage shot by an American family who were living in Vienna when Hitler entered Austria in March 1938 in the momentous historical event known as the Anschluss. Equipped with a 16-millimeter camera, the Bakers captured on film the tense days leading up to the German takeover, Hitler's entry into Vienna, the jubilant Austrian crowds who greeted him, and the persecution of the Jews that began immediately thereafter.
	700 Boylston Street Boston MA
	(202) 488-0494 dsherman@ushmm.org

 

Outrageous Analogies

 

[Note that the Senate version is SR85.]

 

110th CONGRESS 1st Session

H. RES. 185

Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the creation of refugee populations in the Middle East, North Africa, and the Persian Gulf region as a result of human rights violations.

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IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

February 16, 2007

Mr. Nadler (for himself, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, Mr. Crowley, and Mr. Ferguson) submitted the following resolution; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs

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RESOLUTION

Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives regarding the creation of refugee populations in the Middle East, North Africa, and the Persian Gulf region as a result of human rights violations.

Whereas armed conflicts in the Middle East have created refugee populations numbering in the hundreds of thousands and comprised of peoples from many ethnic, religious, and national backgrounds;

Whereas Jews and other ethnic groups have lived mostly as minorities in the Middle East, North Africa, and the Persian Gulf region for more than 2,500 years, more than 1,000 years before the advent of Islam;

Whereas the United States has long voiced its concern about the mistreatment of minorities and the violation of human rights in the Middle East and elsewhere;

Whereas the United States continues to play a pivotal role in seeking an end to the conflict in the Middle East and to promoting a peace that will benefit all the peoples of the region;

Whereas a comprehensive peace in the region will require the resolution of all outstanding issues through bilateral and multilateral negotiations involving all concerned parties;

Whereas approximately 850,000 Jews have been displaced from Arab countries since the declaration of the State of Israel in 1948;

Whereas the United States has demonstrated interest and concern about the mistreatment, violation of rights, forced expulsion, and expropriation of assets of minority populations in general, and in particular, former Jewish refugees displaced from Arab countries as evidenced, inter alia, by—

(1) the Memorandum of Understanding signed by President Jimmy Carter and Israeli Foreign Minister Moshe Dayan on October 4, 1977, which states that "[a] solution of the problem of Arab refugees and Jewish refugees will be discussed in accordance with rules which should be agreed";

(2) after negotiating the Camp David Accords, the Framework for Peace in the Middle East, the statement by President Jimmy Carter in a press conference on October 27, 1977, that "Palestinians have rights . . . obviously there are Jewish refugees . . . they have the same rights as others do"; and

(3) in an interview after Camp David II in July 2000, at which the issue of Jewish refugees displaced from Arab lands was discussed, the statement by President Clinton that "There will have to be some sort of international fund set up for the refugees. There is, I think, some interest, interestingly enough, on both sides, in also having a fund which compensates the Israelis who were made refugees by the war, which occurred after the birth of the State of Israel. Israel is full of people, Jewish people, who lived in predominantly Arab countries who came to Israel because they were made refugees in their own land.";

Whereas the international definition of a refugee clearly applies to Jews who fled the persecution of Arab regimes, where a refugee is a person who "owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group, or political opinion, is outside the country of his nationality, and is unable to or, owing to such fear, is unwilling to avail himself of the protection of that country" (the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees);

Whereas on January 29, 1957, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), determined that Jews fleeing from Arab countries were refugees that fell within the mandate of the UNHCR;

Whereas United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 of November 22, 1967, calls for a "just settlement of the refugee problem" without distinction between Palestinian and Jewish refugees, and this is evidenced by—

(1) the Soviet Union's United Nations delegation attempt to restrict the "just settlement" mentioned in Resolution 242 solely to Palestinian refugees (S/8236, discussed by the Security Council at its 1382nd meeting of November 22, 1967, notably at paragraph 117, in the words of Ambassador Kouznetsov of the Soviet Union); this attempt failed, signifying the international community's intention of having the resolution address the rights of all Middle East refugees; and

(2) a statement by Justice Arthur Goldberg, the United States' Chief Delegate to the United Nations at that time, who was instrumental in drafting the unanimously adopted Resolution 242, where he has pointed out that "The resolution addresses the objective of 'achieving a just settlement of the refugee problem'. This language presumably refers both to Arab and Jewish refugees, for about an equal number of each abandoned their homes as a result of the several wars.";

Whereas in his opening remarks before the January 28, 1992, organizational meeting for multilateral negotiations on the Middle East in Moscow, United States Secretary of State James Baker made no distinction between Palestinian refugees and Jewish refugees in articulating the mission of the Refugee Working Group, stating that "[t]he refugee group will consider practical ways of improving the lot of people throughout the region who have been displaced from their homes";

Whereas the Roadmap to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, which refers in Phase III to an "agreed, just, fair, and realistic solution to the refugee issue," uses language that is equally applicable to all persons displaced as a result of the conflict in the Middle East;

Whereas Egypt, Jordan, and the Palestinians have affirmed that a comprehensive solution to the Middle East conflict will require a just solution to the plight of all "refugees";

Whereas the initiative to secure rights and redress for Jewish and other minorities who were forced to flee Arab countries does not conflict with the right of Palestinian refugees to claim redress;

Whereas the international community should be aware of the plight of Jews and other minority groups displaced from countries in the Middle East, North Africa, and the Persian Gulf;

Whereas an international campaign is proceeding in some 40 countries to record the history and legacy of Jewish refugees from Arab countries;

Whereas no just, comprehensive Middle East peace can be reached without addressing the uprooting of centuries-old Jewish communities in the Middle East, North Africa, and the Persian Gulf; and

Whereas it would be inappropriate and unjust for the United States to recognize rights for Palestinian refugees without recognizing equal rights for former Jewish, Christian, and other refugees from Arab countries: Now, therefore, be it

Resolved, That—

(1) for any comprehensive Middle East peace agreement to be credible and enduring, the agreement must address and resolve all outstanding issues relating to the legitimate rights of all refugees in the Middle East, including Jews, Christians, and other populations displaced from countries in the region; and

(2) the President should instruct the United States Representative to the United Nations and all United States representatives in bilateral and multilateral fora to—



(A) use the voice, vote, and influence of the United States to ensure that any resolutions relating to the issue of Middle East refugees, and which include a reference to the required resolution of the Palestinian refugee issue, must also include a similarly explicit reference to the resolution of the issue of Jewish, Christian, and other refugees from Arab countries; and



(B) make clear that the United States Government supports the position that, as an integral part of any comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace, the issue of refugees from the Middle East, North Africa, and the Persian Gulf must be resolved in a manner that includes recognition of the legitimate rights of and losses incurred by all refugees displaced from Arab countries including Jews, Christians, and other minority groups.

 

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