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Wednesday, June 10, 2009

Origins: Zionist Gay Pubic Diplomacy

Breaking and Creating Identities to Forge Nations or to Destroy Peoples

Usually political economics describes political and economic interactions between groups with well-defined identities, but a major aspect of the transformation of the pre-modern into the modern world lies in the creation of national identities that have in some sense trumped or established dominance over other pre-existing identities that may have been based in religion, economic role or some other characteristic. Thus the historical political economics of interacting or overlapping identities itself is key to understanding the developments leading to the consolidation of modern nation-states and possibly gives hints to transnational identity reorganization that seems to be taking place as globalization itself becomes an input into identity creation and destruction. For the last two centuries Jews have constituted the archetypal transnational political and economic transformational actor because they inherited from the medieval period an international practically worldwide trading network and a sacred law that acted among Jews as a universal commercial and often civil or criminal code. In some situations where the Jewish community has appeared conservative by resisting certain identity transformations like regional nationalism or even their own forms of ethnic nationalism, they are really expressing their status as an avant-garde, for they may have already undergone a re-identification process like Algerian Jews, who developed French or Jewish national identities before co-resident Muslim populations developed Arab or Algerian identities. In other situations Jews may drive, lead or play major roles in the development of new identities like those associated with the development of 19th century German national consciousness or with the modern politicized sexuality of the North American Gay Liberation movement.

The German Jewish push for a united Germany made a lot of sense because it would facilitate Jewish wholesaling and retailing and because the campaign for Jewish emancipation (equal rights and citizenship) would only have to deal with only one national government and not a multitude of German states. Achieving this goal required diminishing the importance of religious identity within German territories. Because German Jews were unwilling to abandon the religious Jewish identity-based social networks that gave Jews competitive advantage in business and because a single citizenship failed to eradicate cultural, ethnic, or non-German national identities of Poles, Bavarians, Saxons, Sorbs and other populations within the German Empire, within a few decades German Jews were developing their own non-religious Zionist political and cultural identity.

For many and German Jews especially, the persistence of older pre-unification identities acted as an impediment to advancement in politics, business or the arts. A Jewish politician in German Saxony might have had difficulty in proving his credentials as a Saxon leader, but if the political "market" could be segmented among conservatives, liberals and socialists, he might easily become a socialist leader. This type of market segmentation also applies to the arts or to retailing. The late 19th century and post-WW2 music industry even created identities based on the cult following of artists or performers like Franz Liszt, Richard Wagner, or the Grateful Dead. In addition, at the same time that modern society has been creating a supermarket of identities from which individuals may choose, other identities have been delegitimized in certain contexts rather as marijuana was criminalized in the early 20th century. For example, as the power of religion decreased, Jews and other groups for whom religious identity could be a political impediment tended to demand complete or nearly complete separation of church and state. Almost as if to fill a void left by religion, which previously had claimed authority over sexuality, sexuality has become so politicized that it nowadays makes sense to refer to the integration of sex and politics -- first in the late 19th through early 20th and then again in the late 20th century,

Because traditional Jewish trading culture tended to provide more opportunities for women, German Jewish women played more prominent business roles than German gentile women and quickly became political leaders for women's liberation in what could almost be described as a reform movement to harmonize the German and Jewish civil codes to the exclusion of traditional Christian sex or gender conventions. In Eastern Europe not only did the division of Poland among Prussia, Austria, and Russia make the interaction of Jewish identity politics with the surrounding gentile political cultures considerably more complex than the situation in German-speaking territories, but Ethnic Ashkenazim were also far more culturally and economically distinctive in historic Poland than Jews were in 19th century Germany. In Polish lands Jews played critical economic roles in distribution, in estate management, in hospitality and in tax farming. Because Jews worried that the ruling class would become uncomfortable with visible expressions of Jewish economic power, Jews often applied sumptuary laws to themselves and made efforts to appear harmless and insignificant. Catholic Poles, who had no divorce, and orthodox Russians, who rarely divorced, were often critical of frequent Jewish divorce and remarriage that seemed tantamount to promiscuity by 19th century E. European Christian standards. Because Jewish men often focused on studying sacred scripture while women ran the business, Eastern European gentiles often considered Jewish men to be effeminate and Jewish women to be aggressive, masculine and dominating.

All three governments ruling divided Poland tried to reform their own Jewish communities, which at the same time were trying to reform themselves in response social and economic pressures associated with modernization, which was among other things threatening the tradition Jewish economic niche. All the efforts at reform weakened traditional religious authority and the ill-conceived policies of Nicholas I effectively shattered (but did not completely eradicate) Russian Jewish communal structures. By the 1840s-1850s Russian Jews, who are probably becoming sensitive to the push for revolution in Central and Eastern Europe, developed a full-fledged often radical intelligentsia that in many situations collaborated with contemporary Russian and Polish intelligentsias. The Jewish intelligentsia developed an assortment of programs to mobilize Jews and non-Jews not merely for reform but also for revolutionary changes in every aspect of Russian imperial culture including politics, economics, religion, gender, sexuality, and eroticism with a lot of mixing and matching. For example, Jewish and non-Jewish communists favored gender equality but were rather prudish about eroticism, which they considered decadently bourgeois. In contrast, Zionists perhaps compensating for the assumption of Jewish effeminacy developed a strong hypermasculine homoerotic current comparable to a tendency of German Nazism. Yet both Zionism and German Nazism also had a strong emphasis on Kinder, Küche, Kirche as long as Kirche refers to the Church or Synagogue of Racial Holiness.

As revolutionary intellectual currents migrate westward with E. European Jews, an extremely lively German and Austrian discussion develops from the 1890s until 1933 to address gender or sexual identity and to develop a new sexualized Weltanschauung that is preserved in the oeuvres of Sigmund Freud, Arthur Schnitzler, Thomas Mann, Otto Weininger and many others. In addition to debate over the Frauenfrage (Women's Question), there are occasional references in that literature to the Umgeschlechtungsbewegung, which translates as "Regenderization Movement," which is often perceived as Jewish -- particularly in anti-Semitic discourse, and which is an early forerunner of the homosexual mobilization movement that Columbia Professor Joseph Massad calls the Gay International.

Some elements of international gay culture creep into US film and theater during the 1920s, but it seems mostly absent from the Yiddish culture brought with Eastern European Ashkenazi immigrants to the USA from the 1880s-1920. Only during the 30s do large numbers of creators and participants in the Central European discourse on sexuality flee to the United States, and the seeds of sexualized politics really do not blossom until the 60s and 70s with the appearance of abortion rights, women's and gay liberation movements,* which seem to have no intellectual ancestral connections to the 19th and 20th century Suffragism but are almost certainly the reincarnation of the earlier Central and Eastern sexual identity politics. As was the case with Czarist Russian radicalism and the pre-1950s Soviet Union, the leadership has been predominantly Jewish. All three movements focused on attacking traditional Christian religion, mores, and morality, which a cynic might point out were impediments to Jewish advancement in US culture and society.

After the 1980s like practically everything else associated with the North American Jewish community, sexual identity politics has been thoroughly Zionized as is clearly indicated by the massively intertwined Jewish Zionist and gay activism described in two recent Toronto National Post articles entitled
Here is a quote from the first article:

Queers Against Israeli Apartheid (QuAIA), an anti-Zionist protest group that made corporate sponsors squirm by flying banners at last year’s Toronto Pride parade, has been banned this year, along with any other group that would advance a political agenda.

“We will be very much more careful this year. We will make sure that we have a presence to ensure that people don’t slip into the parade,” Pride Toronto executive director Tracey Sandilands said today.

UPDATE: here.

The number of volunteer marshals along the barricades is to be increased from 25 to 80 to prevent unauthorized people joining the parade, she said.

“What happened last year was ... people on the sidelines who pushed into the parade and put up banners. We were totally not expecting it,” she said.

Her announcement came with a warning to grand marshall El-Farouk Khaki not to use his ceremonial position as a pulpit to promote an anti-Israeli boycott.

Frank Dimant, executive vice-president of B’nai Brith Canada, today called for disciplinary action against Mr. Khaki, a founder of the national support group Salaam: Queer Muslim Community, because he spoke to a QuAIA event on the weekend.

A flier for the event said “Israel has now begun to frame itself as a tolerant, queer-positive democracy. This can never be reality under Occupation.”

Mr. Dimant said Mr. Khaki’s presence -- he made opening remarks and welcomed the main speakers -- “has already contravened Pride Toronto’s stated policy.”

B'nai B'rith Canada is practically claiming ownership rights over gay politics.

The second article treats gay politics as so mainstream that it does not even bother to explain that LGBTTIQQ2S stands for "Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transsexual, Transgendered, Intersexual, Queer, Questioning, 2-Spirited."

As the reincarnated regenderization movement has begun to penetrate into the Islamic world as a Western cultural export, it has encountered strong resistance or revulsion from more traditional religious and intellectual leaders, whose sense of morality has not been subjected to the same erosion process that took place in the West. Because of desire for better integration into European and North American societies and discomfort with public displays or discussion of sex or affection, whether heteroerotic or homoerotic, western Arabs and Muslims have tended toward defensiveness and apologetics with regard to Islamic rejection of the Gay International when they should be attacking the underlying chauvinistic, imperialist and Zionist assumptions of regenderization discourse. As a result Zionist gay and gender equality activists have been free to legitimize and to market a chauvinistic perception of Arab and Muslims societies as so savage that Western states have no choice but to invade and to occupy them in order to save Arabs and Muslims from their own barbarism.

Update

From Israeli Television:

הקטעים מתוך התוכנית "עד החתונה", העוקבים אחרי מערכת היחסים המתפתחת בין הראל ואמיר

From an Israeli TV show - 'Til the Wedding - the story of Amir and Harel. Part 18


Note

* Non-political American gay discourse starts in the 1950s with the beats -- especially Allen Ginsberg's circle, but Ginsberg himself was never really political with homosexuality, and he occasionally indulged in heterosexuality. He was glad that Gay Liberation drove the police and organized crime out of gay culture. Ginsberg's mom was a very serious Communist, who made up stories like "'The good king rode forth from his castle, saw the suffering workers and healed them" or at least Ginsberg made that claim.

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Posted by Joachim Martillo at 5:58 AM
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